ကုိယ္ပုိင္ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခြင့္နဲ႕ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္အတြက္ နအဖ နဲ႕ အႏွစ္ (၁၀၀၀)ေထာင္ေက်ာ္ တုိက္ခုိက္လာခဲ့တဲ့ အပစ္ရပ္တုိင္းရင္းသား လက္နက္ကုိင္ အဖြဲ႕တစ္ဖြဲ႕ရဲ႕ ႀကီးက်ယ္ခမ္းနားတဲ့ ဧည့္ခန္းထဲမွာ ထိပ္ပုိင္းအရာ႐ွိ(၂)ေယာက္ ပါတီအဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြ မ်ားလာတာနဲ႕ ပတ္သက္ၿပီး စကားေျပာေနၾကတယ္။
အဆင့္နဲနဲျမင့္သူ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ ငါ့တုိ႕အဖြဲ႕ထဲကေန ထြက္သြားၿပီး သူတုိ႕က ေနာက္ပါတီတစ္ခု ထပ္ေထာင္ေနၾကတာလဲ။
အဆင့္နဲနဲနိမ့္သူ။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ အရင္ဆုံးအေနနဲ႕ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ပါတီ သုံးေနတဲ့ စနစ္ ဥပေဒအပုိင္း ေဆြးေႏြးရေအာင္လား ဆရာ။
အဆင့္နဲနဲျမင့္သူ။ ငါ့တုိ႕စနစ္ ဥပေဒက ဒီတုိင္းရင္းသား အဖြဲ႕အစည္းေတြထဲမွာ ဆုိရင္ အဆင့္ျမင့္ဆုံးပဲ ဆုိတာ မင္းလည္း သိပါတယ္။ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ဗဟုိခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈ စနစ္ ဆုိတာ ဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ အသင့္ေလ်ာ္ဆုံး စနစ္ပဲ မဟုတ္လား။
အဆင့္နဲနဲနိမ့္သူက အဲဒီလုိ ၾကားလုိက္ေတာ့ စိတ္မလုံသလုိ ခံစားလုိက္ရတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင္လဲ ဆုိေတာ့ သူကုိယ္တုိင္ကလည္း ဒီပါတီက ႏႈတ္ထြက္ၿပီး ပါတီအသစ္ ေထာင္ဖုိ႕ ႀကဳိးစားေနတဲ့သူေလ။
အဆင့္နဲနဲနိမ့္သူ။ အခု သူတုိ႕က ဒီပါတီကေန ထြက္သြားၿပီးေတာ့ ပါတီအသစ္ ေထာင္တယ္ဆုိကတည္းက ဒီပါတီရဲ႕ စနစ္ကုိ မႀကဳိက္တာေတာ့ မွန္တာပဲ မဟုတ္လား ဆရာ။
အဆင့္နဲနဲျမင့္သူ။ ဒီစနစ္ထက္ ေကာင္းတာမွ မ႐ွိတာကြ။ ငါ ေမးတာက သူတုိ႕ေတြ ဘာလုိ႕ ဒီပါတီကေန ထြက္သြားၾကတာကုိ ေမးတာကြ။
အဆင့္နဲနဲနိမ့္သူက မ်က္ႏွာအေနအထား၊ အသံအေနအထား ပုံမွန္ျဖစ္ေအာင္ ႀကဳိးစားၿပီး ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္း ျပန္ေျဖလုိက္ပါသတဲ့။
အဆင့္နဲနဲနိမ့္သူ။ ဆရာကလည္း ဒီမုိကေရစီ ဗဟုိခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈကုိ သူတုိ႕ကမွ မႀကဳိက္တာ။ ဗဟုိခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈက ဗဟုိကဘဲ ခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္တာ။ သူတုိ႕က ခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္ရတာမွ မဟုတ္တာ။ သူတုိ႕ ႀကဳိက္တာက ဒီမုိကေရစီ ငါခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈ တဲ့။ ဒါမွ သူတုိ႕ကုိယ္တုိင္ ႀကဳိးကုိင္လုိ႕ရတာေပါ့။
မြန္ရမြန္
ေရးသား တင္ျပသည္။
ႀကဳိးကုိင္ ႀကဳိက္သူ (ဒီမုိကေရစီ ဗဟုိ မခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္တဲ့ ဒီမုိကေရစီ ငါ ခ်ဳပ္ကုိင္မႈ)
September 28, 2009 0 comments
ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတာ သိလား
0 comments
ေသာၾကာေန႕ ညေန စာသင္ေက်ာင္းတစ္ေက်ာင္းမွာ ေက်ာင္းဆရာက သူ႕တပည့္ေတြကုိ ေက်ာင္းပိတ္ရက္မွာ အိမ္စာ အျဖစ္ ေပးသြားရန္အတြက္ "ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတာ ဘယ္လဲ။ ေက်ာင္းပိတ္ရက္(၂)ရက္မွာ ေလ့လာထား။ ေက်ာင္းျပန္ဖြင့္တဲ့ရက္က်ရင္ တပည့္တုိ႕ အေျဖေပးရမယ္ ၾကားလား"ဟု မွာၾကားလုိက္သည္။
မင္းအာသံ လုိ႕ အမည္ရတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားတစ္ေယာက္က သူ႕ဆရာရဲ႕ ပေဟဠိကုိ ေျဖၾကားႏုိင္ဖုိ႕ အေဖကုိ ပူဆာေတာ့ သူ႕အေဖက "ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတာ သား နားလည္ေအာ ႐ုိး႐ုိး႐ွင္း႐ွင္း ေျပာရရင္ အခု အေဖတုိ႕ အိမ္ေထာင္လုိပဲေပါ့။ အေဖက ေငြ႐ွာေပးတဲ့သူ။ စီးပြားေရးေပါ့။ သားရဲ႕ အေမက ရလာတဲ့ပိုက္ဆံကုိ စီမံခန္႕ခြဲတဲ့သူ ဆုိေတာ့ အစုိးရေပါ့ကြယ္။ အဲ သားက ျပည္သူလူထုေပါ့။ သားရဲ႕ ညီေလးက တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ေပါ့။ ႐ွင္းၿပီလား"ဟု ျပန္ေျဖေပးလုိက္ရာ မင္းအာသံမွာ ေပ်ာ္မဆုံး စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ေနေလေတာ့သည္။
ေက်ာင္းမဖြင့္ခင္ ညပုိင္း ေရာက္ေတာ့ သူ႕ ညီေလးက ဝမ္းႀကီးဝမ္းငယ္ စြန္႕ၿပီး ခ်မ္းေန၍ ေအာ္ငုိလုိက္ရာ မင္းအာသံ လန္႕ႏုိးသြားေလသည္။ ဒါနဲ႕ သူ႕ ညီေလး အျဖစ္ကုိ ေတြ႕ေတာ့ အေမျဖစ္သူကုိ ႏႈိးေလေတာ့သည္။ အေမျဖစ္သူက ဆက္လက္ အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ၿမဲ အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ေနရာ သူ႕အေဖ အား ႐ွာေတာ့ အိပ္ခန္းထဲ မေတြ႕တာနဲ႕ အျပင္ဘက္အခန္းမ်ားတြင္ သြား႐ွာရာ အိမ္ငွားမိန္းကေလးတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ အခန္းတြင္ သြားေတြ႕၍ မေခၚရဲဘဲ ဒီအတုိင္း ျပန္လာၿပီး စဥ္းစားမိသြားရာ အေဖ ေျပာသည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတာ ဒီအထိေတာင္ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးပဲလား ဆုိတဲ့အသိ ေပၚလာေတာ့သည္။
ေနာက္တစ္ေန႕ ေက်ာင္းေရာက္သြားေတာ့ သူ႕ဆရာက "ကဲ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္ကုိ ဘယ္သူသိသလဲ" မင္းအာသံ ၾကားလုိက္တာနဲ႕ တက္ႂကြစြာ မတ္တတ္ရပ္ၿပီး "က်ေနာ္ သိတယ္ ဆရာ"၊ "ဟာ ေတာ္လွခ်ည္းလား၊ ဆုိစမ္းပါဦး တပည့္ေရ"ဟု ဖြင့္ေပးလုိက္ရာ မင္းအာသံ က "ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆုိတာ အရမ္း အရမ္းကုိ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးေလးနက္ပါတယ္ ဆရာ။ အစုိးရက အိပ္ၿပီးရင္ မထေတာ့ဘူး။ အိပ္ပုတ္ႀကီးတယ္ ဆရာ။ စီးပြားေရး ကလည္း ေဖာက္ျပန္ေနတယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုက အရမ္း ဒုကၡေရာက္တာေပါ့။ ဟုိ တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ကလည္း စုတ္ျပတ္သတ္ေအာင္ ႏွံလုိက္တာ ဆရာရယ္"ဟု အားရပါးရ ေျပာလုိက္ေလေတာ့သည္။
မြန္ရမြန္
ေရးသားတင္ျပသည္။
မင္းအာသံ လုိ႕ အမည္ရတဲ့ ေက်ာင္းသားတစ္ေယာက္က သူ႕ဆရာရဲ႕ ပေဟဠိကုိ ေျဖၾကားႏုိင္ဖုိ႕ အေဖကုိ ပူဆာေတာ့ သူ႕အေဖက "ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတာ သား နားလည္ေအာ ႐ုိး႐ုိး႐ွင္း႐ွင္း ေျပာရရင္ အခု အေဖတုိ႕ အိမ္ေထာင္လုိပဲေပါ့။ အေဖက ေငြ႐ွာေပးတဲ့သူ။ စီးပြားေရးေပါ့။ သားရဲ႕ အေမက ရလာတဲ့ပိုက္ဆံကုိ စီမံခန္႕ခြဲတဲ့သူ ဆုိေတာ့ အစုိးရေပါ့ကြယ္။ အဲ သားက ျပည္သူလူထုေပါ့။ သားရဲ႕ ညီေလးက တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ေပါ့။ ႐ွင္းၿပီလား"ဟု ျပန္ေျဖေပးလုိက္ရာ မင္းအာသံမွာ ေပ်ာ္မဆုံး စိတ္ကူးယဥ္ေနေလေတာ့သည္။
ေက်ာင္းမဖြင့္ခင္ ညပုိင္း ေရာက္ေတာ့ သူ႕ ညီေလးက ဝမ္းႀကီးဝမ္းငယ္ စြန္႕ၿပီး ခ်မ္းေန၍ ေအာ္ငုိလုိက္ရာ မင္းအာသံ လန္႕ႏုိးသြားေလသည္။ ဒါနဲ႕ သူ႕ ညီေလး အျဖစ္ကုိ ေတြ႕ေတာ့ အေမျဖစ္သူကုိ ႏႈိးေလေတာ့သည္။ အေမျဖစ္သူက ဆက္လက္ အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ၿမဲ အိပ္ေပ်ာ္ေနရာ သူ႕အေဖ အား ႐ွာေတာ့ အိပ္ခန္းထဲ မေတြ႕တာနဲ႕ အျပင္ဘက္အခန္းမ်ားတြင္ သြား႐ွာရာ အိမ္ငွားမိန္းကေလးတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ အခန္းတြင္ သြားေတြ႕၍ မေခၚရဲဘဲ ဒီအတုိင္း ျပန္လာၿပီး စဥ္းစားမိသြားရာ အေဖ ေျပာသည့္ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတာ ဒီအထိေတာင္ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးပဲလား ဆုိတဲ့အသိ ေပၚလာေတာ့သည္။
ေနာက္တစ္ေန႕ ေက်ာင္းေရာက္သြားေတာ့ သူ႕ဆရာက "ကဲ ႏုိင္ငံေရး ဆုိတဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္ကုိ ဘယ္သူသိသလဲ" မင္းအာသံ ၾကားလုိက္တာနဲ႕ တက္ႂကြစြာ မတ္တတ္ရပ္ၿပီး "က်ေနာ္ သိတယ္ ဆရာ"၊ "ဟာ ေတာ္လွခ်ည္းလား၊ ဆုိစမ္းပါဦး တပည့္ေရ"ဟု ဖြင့္ေပးလုိက္ရာ မင္းအာသံ က "ႏိုင္ငံေရးဆုိတာ အရမ္း အရမ္းကုိ ႐ႈပ္ေထြးေလးနက္ပါတယ္ ဆရာ။ အစုိးရက အိပ္ၿပီးရင္ မထေတာ့ဘူး။ အိပ္ပုတ္ႀကီးတယ္ ဆရာ။ စီးပြားေရး ကလည္း ေဖာက္ျပန္ေနတယ္။ ျပည္သူလူထုက အရမ္း ဒုကၡေရာက္တာေပါ့။ ဟုိ တုိင္းျပည္ရဲ႕ အနာဂတ္ကလည္း စုတ္ျပတ္သတ္ေအာင္ ႏွံလုိက္တာ ဆရာရယ္"ဟု အားရပါးရ ေျပာလုိက္ေလေတာ့သည္။
မြန္ရမြန္
ေရးသားတင္ျပသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ အေထြေထြ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ႏုိင္ဟံသာ ႏွင့္ ေမးျမန္းခ်က္
September 10, 2009 0 comments
စုစည္းညီၫႊတ္မႈ ပ်က္ျပားေအာင္ သပ္လ်ွိဳၿဖိဳခဲြတာပဲ
Thu 10 Sep 2009, အာကာ
ျပည္တြင္းေဖါက္ခဲြေရးကိစၥ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သတ္၍ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ဗဟိုအတြင္းေရးမႉး ႏိုင္ဟံသာႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံေမးျမန္းခ်က္
ေမး။ ။ က်ဳိက္မေရာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ (မယက) ႐ုံးကေန (၁၄၊ ၈၊ ၀၉) ရက္ေန႕ က သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ေက်းရြာေကာင္စီေတြကို ညႊန္ၾကားစာတေစာင္ ထုတ္ ထားတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ (ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္းတိုင္ လႈပ္ရွားေရးအဖြဲ႕) က လူအေယာက္ (၆၀) ကို ေဖါက္ခြဲေရးနဲ႕ ဝါဒျဖန္႕ခ်ိေရး လုပ္ဖို႕ ျပည္တြင္းကို ေစလႊတ္လိုက္တယ္ ဆိုတဲ့အေၾကာင္းနဲ႕ အဲဒီလုပ္ငန္းကို ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အဖြဲ႕ ထဲမွာ အတြင္းေရးမႉး နာမည္လည္း ပါဝင္ေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ၾကား သိၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္၊ အဲဒီကိစၥ ေျပာျပေပးပါလား?
ေျဖ။ ။ ၾကားၿပီးၿပီ၊ နယ္ကသတင္း ေပးပို႕လာလို႕ သိရတယ္။ ၾကားသိၿပီး ေတာ့ ေသခ်ာေအာင္ အဲဒီစာကို ရွာပို႕ေပးဖို႕ မွာလိုက္တယ္။ စာကိုေတြ႕ရၿပီး ၿပီ။ အဲဒီစာထဲမွာ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ (ခယက) ႐ုံးရဲ႕ (၁၀၊ ၈၊ ၀၉) ရက္ေန႕က ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္အရ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ (မယက) ႐ုံးကေန ေက်းရြာ/ရပ္ကြက္ေတြကို ထပ္ဆင့္ညႊန္ ၾကားတယ္လို႕ ေဖာ္ျပထားတယ္။
ဒီလိုအေသအခ်ာေတြ႕ရွိျပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႕လူေတြကေနတဆင့္ သက္ဆိုင္ ရာအာဏာပိုင္ေတြကို ေမးခိုင္းထားတယ္။ သူတို႕ေျပာထားတဲ့ က်ေနာ္အပါ အဝင္ ဦးေဆာင္အဖြဲ႕ဝင္ (၇) ဦး ေတြ႕ဆုံၿပီး စီစဥ္ေစလႊတ္တယ္ဆို တဲ့ကိစၥ မွာ ဘယ္မွာေတြ႕ဆုံၾကတယ္။ ဘယ္ေန႕က ေတြ႕ၾကတယ္။ အျခားဘာအ ေထာက္အထားေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရထားတယ္ဆိုတာ ေမးခိုင္းထားတယ္ ခင္ဗ်ာ့။ ဒါေတြ သူတို႕မေျဖၾကားႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဘာမွ အေထာက္အထား မျပႏိုင္ ခဲ့ဘူး။
ေမး။ ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ သူတို႕ကို ဒီလိုေမးရတာလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ သိကၡာရွိတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕ အစည္းတခုအေနနဲ႕ အရမ္းမစြပ္စြဲဖို႕၊ တိက်ေသခ်ာမွ ေျပာဖို႕ဆိုတာကို ေထာက္ျပခ်င္လို႕ တေၾကာင္း၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ဒီစြပ္စြဲခ်က္ဟာ အေျခအျမစ္မရွိ လုပ္ၾကံထားတဲ့ ကိစၥဆိုတာ ရွင္းျပခ်င္လို႕ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ေမး။ ။ အတြင္းေရးမႉးဘက္က ဘယ္လိုရွင္းျပခ်င္လဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ သူတို႕ေျပာတဲ့ (၈) ေလးလုံး ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္အခ်ိန္မွာ ျပန္လည္ ႏုိးထလာေရးကိစၥက ၾသဂုတ္လဆန္းမွာဆိုေတာ့ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က က်ေနာ္ဗ ဟုိဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွာ ရွိေနတာဗ်။ ဇူလိုင္လေႏွာင္းပိုင္းကတည္းက အေရးေပၚဗ ဟိုေကာ္မတီ အစည္းအေဝးရွိလို႕ က်ေနာ္ဗဟိုကို ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။ အဲဒီအ ခ်ိန္မတိုင္မီ တစ္လႏွစ္လေလာက္ကလည္း က်ေနာ္ ဒီဝန္းက်င္မွာ မရွိဘူး၊ အေဝးႀကီးက ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံအခ်ဳိ႕ကို ေရာက္ေနတယ္။ ျပည္ပက ေရာက္လာ တာနဲ႕ မၾကာခင္မွာ ဗဟိုဌာနခ်ဳပ္ကို ေရာက္သြားတာပဲ။ သူတို႕ေျပာထားတဲ့ လူေတြနဲ႕ သြားေတြ႕ဖို႕ဆိုတာ အခ်ိန္လည္း မရွိဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတို႕စြပ္စဲြ သလို မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္တို႕ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္ေတြေရာ အျပင္ကလူေတြပါ လူေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား သိပါတယ္။
ေမး။ ။ ဒါဆိုရင္ ဘာေၾကာင့္ဒီလို စြပ္စြဲရတယ္လို႕ ထင္ျမင္ပါသလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တာက က်ေနာ္တို႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ တပ္ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ျပည္သူ႕စစ္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ အသြင္ေျပာင္းဖို႕ ေျပာတာကို က်ေနာ္ တို႕ဘက္က လက္မခံလို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္းမွာ တဦးအေပၚ တဦး မေက်နပ္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္၊ အထင္အျမင္ေတြ မွားၿပီး စုစည္းညီၫႊတ္မႈ ပ်က္ျပားေအာင္ သပ္လ်ွိဳၿဖိဳခဲြတာပဲလို႕ ျမင္တယ္။
အနိမ့္ဆုံးအဆင့္ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္းေနလိုတဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြနဲ႕ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးကို ထိန္းသိမ္းထားလိုတဲ့ လူေတြ က်ေနာ့္အေပၚ ဆန္႕က်င္တိုက္ ခိုက္လာမယ္လို႕ သူတို႕တြက္ထားပုံ ေပၚတယ္။ တကယ္လို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕အ ဖြဲ႕ထဲမွာ က်ေနာ့္အေပၚ အျမင္ရွင္းၿပီး တစုံတရာ အေရးမယူဘူးဆိုရင္ အဖြဲ႕ အစည္းအေနနဲ႕ ဒီမလုပ္သင့္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြကို ဖုံးကြယ္ အကာအကြယ္ေပး ေနတယ္။ အလိုတူ အလိုပါျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သေဘာမ်ဳိး သက္ေရာက္ၿပီး သူတို႕ဘက္က အေရးယူလာရင္ သူတို႕အလြန္မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္မ်ဳိး ထြက္ေအာင္ လုပ္တာပဲလို႕ ျမင္တယ္။
ေမး။ ။ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီဝင္ အမ်ားႀကီးထဲမွာ အတြင္းေရးမႉးတဦးကိုပဲ ေရြးၿပီး ဒီလိုလုပ္တာ ဘာေၾကာင့္လို႕ ထင္ပါသလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ က်ေနာ္ဟာ သူတို႕ရဲ႕ မမွန္ကန္တဲ့လုပ္ရပ္ေတြအေပၚမွာ မၾကာခ ဏ ေဝဖန္ေထာက္ျပတာေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲ ထားေပမဲ့ သူတို႕နဲ႕ သြားလာဆက္ဆံရင္းႏွီးေအာင္ မေပါင္းသင္းပဲ ရွင္းရွင္း ေနတာလည္း ပါမယ္လို႕ ထင္ပါတယ္။
ေမး။ ။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးအေပၚမွာ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးရဲ႕ ပင္ကိုယ္သေဘာက စစ္ေရးနည္းနဲ႕ ေျဖရွင္းေနတာ ႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံးအတြက္ နစ္နာဆုံး႐ႈံးမႈမ်ားလြန္းၿပီး ေျပလည္ စရာလည္း လမ္းမျမင္လို႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ၫွိႏႈိင္းေဆြးေႏြး အေျဖရွာဖို႕ ျဖစ္ တယ္။ ဒါမ်ဳိးကို က်ေနာ္ သေဘာတူလက္ခံတယ္။ အခုျဖစ္ေနတာက ႏိုင္ငံ ေရးအရလည္း မေဆြးေႏြးဘူး။ စိတ္ပိုင္း႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ ျပိဳကဲြပ်က္စီးေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာမ်ဳိးကိုေတာ့ မွန္ကန္တဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ရယ္လို႕ က်ေနာ္မခံယူႏိုင္ဘူး။
ေမး။ ။ ဒီကိစၥနဲ႕ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ကိုးကန္႕မွာျဖစ္ရွိေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနအပါအဝင္ အမ်ားျပည္သူကို အတြင္းေရးမႉးဘာ ေျပာခ်င္ သလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ ကိုးကန္႕အဖြဲ႕အေပၚမွာ သူတို႕ျဖစ္ေစခ်င္တဲ့ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ျပည္သူ႕စစ္ပုံစံကို လက္မခံလို႕ တစိပ္ရရ၊ တဖဲ့ရရ သူတို႕လက္ ကိုင္ဒုတ္အျဖစ္ ဖဲ့ထုတ္ေမြးယူၿပီး ရန္တိုက္ေပးဖို႕ လုပ္တာပဲလို႕ ျမင္တယ္။ တျခားအပစ္ ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြအေပၚမွာလည္း ဒီလိုခပ္ဆင္ဆင္ နည္းမ်ဳိးနဲ႕ လုပ္ လာမွာပဲ၊ ဒါက အစပဲလို႕ျမင္တယ္။ ဒီအေပၚမွာ သတိႀကီးႀကီးထားဖို႕ လို တယ္။
အမ်ားျပည္သူကို ခ်င့္ခ်ိန္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ေျပာျပလိုတာက က်ေနာ္တို႕ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ အႏွစ္ (၆၀) ေက်ာ္ ျဖစ္ေနခဲ့လို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕ႏိုင္ငံ ဘယ္ ေလာက္အထိ ေအာက္က်ေနာက္က် ျဖစ္ေနရတယ္ဆိုတာ အမ်ားသိပါ တယ္။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲခဲ့ၾကလို႕ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မီး အရွိန္ေလ်ာ့လာတယ္။ ရင္းႏွီးမႈ ယံုၾကည္မႈအခ်ဳိ႕ ရလာတယ္။ ဒါကိုမျမင္ သခၤဏ္းစာမယူႏိုင္ေသးပဲ လက္နက္နည္းနဲ႕ ေျဖရွင္းမယ္၊ မမွန္မကန္တဲ့နည္းနဲ႕ ေျဖရွင္းဦးမယ္ဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႕ျပည္ေထာင္စုဟာ ေရွ႕တဆင့္မွာ ၿပဳိကြဲပ်က္စီးသြားမယ့္ အေျခ အေနကို ေရာက္သြားမယ္လို႕ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တယ္။ ဒီကိစၥ ေလးေလးနက္နက္ သုံးသပ္ၾကပါလို႕ပဲ ေျပာခ်င္တယ္။
Thu 10 Sep 2009, အာကာ
ျပည္တြင္းေဖါက္ခဲြေရးကိစၥ စြပ္စြဲခ်က္ႏွင့္ ပတ္သတ္၍ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ဗဟိုအတြင္းေရးမႉး ႏိုင္ဟံသာႏွင့္ ေတြ႕ဆုံေမးျမန္းခ်က္
ေမး။ ။ က်ဳိက္မေရာၿမိဳ႕နယ္ (မယက) ႐ုံးကေန (၁၄၊ ၈၊ ၀၉) ရက္ေန႕ က သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ေက်းရြာေကာင္စီေတြကို ညႊန္ၾကားစာတေစာင္ ထုတ္ ထားတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ (ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ဒီမိုကေရစီပန္းတိုင္ လႈပ္ရွားေရးအဖြဲ႕) က လူအေယာက္ (၆၀) ကို ေဖါက္ခြဲေရးနဲ႕ ဝါဒျဖန္႕ခ်ိေရး လုပ္ဖို႕ ျပည္တြင္းကို ေစလႊတ္လိုက္တယ္ ဆိုတဲ့အေၾကာင္းနဲ႕ အဲဒီလုပ္ငန္းကို ဦးေဆာင္တဲ့ အဖြဲ႕ ထဲမွာ အတြင္းေရးမႉး နာမည္လည္း ပါဝင္ေနတယ္ဆိုတဲ့အေၾကာင္း ၾကား သိၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါလိမ့္မယ္၊ အဲဒီကိစၥ ေျပာျပေပးပါလား?
ေျဖ။ ။ ၾကားၿပီးၿပီ၊ နယ္ကသတင္း ေပးပို႕လာလို႕ သိရတယ္။ ၾကားသိၿပီး ေတာ့ ေသခ်ာေအာင္ အဲဒီစာကို ရွာပို႕ေပးဖို႕ မွာလိုက္တယ္။ စာကိုေတြ႕ရၿပီး ၿပီ။ အဲဒီစာထဲမွာ ေမာ္လၿမိဳင္ (ခယက) ႐ုံးရဲ႕ (၁၀၊ ၈၊ ၀၉) ရက္ေန႕က ညႊန္ၾကားခ်က္အရ ၿမိဳ႕နယ္ (မယက) ႐ုံးကေန ေက်းရြာ/ရပ္ကြက္ေတြကို ထပ္ဆင့္ညႊန္ ၾကားတယ္လို႕ ေဖာ္ျပထားတယ္။
ဒီလိုအေသအခ်ာေတြ႕ရွိျပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ္တို႕လူေတြကေနတဆင့္ သက္ဆိုင္ ရာအာဏာပိုင္ေတြကို ေမးခိုင္းထားတယ္။ သူတို႕ေျပာထားတဲ့ က်ေနာ္အပါ အဝင္ ဦးေဆာင္အဖြဲ႕ဝင္ (၇) ဦး ေတြ႕ဆုံၿပီး စီစဥ္ေစလႊတ္တယ္ဆို တဲ့ကိစၥ မွာ ဘယ္မွာေတြ႕ဆုံၾကတယ္။ ဘယ္ေန႕က ေတြ႕ၾကတယ္။ အျခားဘာအ ေထာက္အထားေတြ ဘယ္ေလာက္ရထားတယ္ဆိုတာ ေမးခိုင္းထားတယ္ ခင္ဗ်ာ့။ ဒါေတြ သူတို႕မေျဖၾကားႏိုင္ဘူး။ ဘာမွ အေထာက္အထား မျပႏိုင္ ခဲ့ဘူး။
ေမး။ ။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ သူတို႕ကို ဒီလိုေမးရတာလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ သိကၡာရွိတဲ့ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ႕ အစည္းတခုအေနနဲ႕ အရမ္းမစြပ္စြဲဖို႕၊ တိက်ေသခ်ာမွ ေျပာဖို႕ဆိုတာကို ေထာက္ျပခ်င္လို႕ တေၾကာင္း၊ ၿပီးေတာ့ ဒီစြပ္စြဲခ်က္ဟာ အေျခအျမစ္မရွိ လုပ္ၾကံထားတဲ့ ကိစၥဆိုတာ ရွင္းျပခ်င္လို႕ ျဖစ္တယ္။
ေမး။ ။ အတြင္းေရးမႉးဘက္က ဘယ္လိုရွင္းျပခ်င္လဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ သူတို႕ေျပာတဲ့ (၈) ေလးလုံး ႏွစ္ပတ္လည္အခ်ိန္မွာ ျပန္လည္ ႏုိးထလာေရးကိစၥက ၾသဂုတ္လဆန္းမွာဆိုေတာ့ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္က က်ေနာ္ဗ ဟုိဌာနခ်ဳပ္မွာ ရွိေနတာဗ်။ ဇူလိုင္လေႏွာင္းပိုင္းကတည္းက အေရးေပၚဗ ဟိုေကာ္မတီ အစည္းအေဝးရွိလို႕ က်ေနာ္ဗဟိုကို ေရာက္ေနပါၿပီ။ အဲဒီအ ခ်ိန္မတိုင္မီ တစ္လႏွစ္လေလာက္ကလည္း က်ေနာ္ ဒီဝန္းက်င္မွာ မရွိဘူး၊ အေဝးႀကီးက ျပည္ပႏိုင္ငံအခ်ဳိ႕ကို ေရာက္ေနတယ္။ ျပည္ပက ေရာက္လာ တာနဲ႕ မၾကာခင္မွာ ဗဟိုဌာနခ်ဳပ္ကို ေရာက္သြားတာပဲ။ သူတို႕ေျပာထားတဲ့ လူေတြနဲ႕ သြားေတြ႕ဖို႕ဆိုတာ အခ်ိန္လည္း မရွိဘူး။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ သူတို႕စြပ္စဲြ သလို မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ဘူးဆိုတာ က်ေနာ္တို႕ အဖြဲ႕ဝင္ေတြေရာ အျပင္ကလူေတြပါ လူေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ား သိပါတယ္။
ေမး။ ။ ဒါဆိုရင္ ဘာေၾကာင့္ဒီလို စြပ္စြဲရတယ္လို႕ ထင္ျမင္ပါသလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တာက က်ေနာ္တို႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းကို နယ္ျခားေစာင့္ တပ္ ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ ျပည္သူ႕စစ္ျဖစ္ျဖစ္၊ အသြင္ေျပာင္းဖို႕ ေျပာတာကို က်ေနာ္ တို႕ဘက္က လက္မခံလို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕အဖြဲ႕အစည္းအတြင္းမွာ တဦးအေပၚ တဦး မေက်နပ္မႈေတြ ျဖစ္၊ အထင္အျမင္ေတြ မွားၿပီး စုစည္းညီၫႊတ္မႈ ပ်က္ျပားေအာင္ သပ္လ်ွိဳၿဖိဳခဲြတာပဲလို႕ ျမင္တယ္။
အနိမ့္ဆုံးအဆင့္ ေအးေအးခ်မ္းခ်မ္းေနလိုတဲ့ ျပည္သူေတြနဲ႕ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရးကို ထိန္းသိမ္းထားလိုတဲ့ လူေတြ က်ေနာ့္အေပၚ ဆန္႕က်င္တိုက္ ခိုက္လာမယ္လို႕ သူတို႕တြက္ထားပုံ ေပၚတယ္။ တကယ္လို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕အ ဖြဲ႕ထဲမွာ က်ေနာ့္အေပၚ အျမင္ရွင္းၿပီး တစုံတရာ အေရးမယူဘူးဆိုရင္ အဖြဲ႕ အစည္းအေနနဲ႕ ဒီမလုပ္သင့္တဲ့ ကိစၥေတြကို ဖုံးကြယ္ အကာအကြယ္ေပး ေနတယ္။ အလိုတူ အလိုပါျဖစ္တယ္ဆိုတဲ့ သေဘာမ်ဳိး သက္ေရာက္ၿပီး သူတို႕ဘက္က အေရးယူလာရင္ သူတို႕အလြန္မဟုတ္ဘူးဆိုတဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္မ်ဳိး ထြက္ေအာင္ လုပ္တာပဲလို႕ ျမင္တယ္။
ေမး။ ။ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီဝင္ အမ်ားႀကီးထဲမွာ အတြင္းေရးမႉးတဦးကိုပဲ ေရြးၿပီး ဒီလိုလုပ္တာ ဘာေၾကာင့္လို႕ ထင္ပါသလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ က်ေနာ္ဟာ သူတို႕ရဲ႕ မမွန္ကန္တဲ့လုပ္ရပ္ေတြအေပၚမွာ မၾကာခ ဏ ေဝဖန္ေထာက္ျပတာေတြ လုပ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲ ထားေပမဲ့ သူတို႕နဲ႕ သြားလာဆက္ဆံရင္းႏွီးေအာင္ မေပါင္းသင္းပဲ ရွင္းရွင္း ေနတာလည္း ပါမယ္လို႕ ထင္ပါတယ္။
ေမး။ ။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးအေပၚမွာ အတြင္းေရးမႉး ဘယ္လိုျမင္ပါသလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲေရးရဲ႕ ပင္ကိုယ္သေဘာက စစ္ေရးနည္းနဲ႕ ေျဖရွင္းေနတာ ႏွစ္ဖက္စလုံးအတြက္ နစ္နာဆုံး႐ႈံးမႈမ်ားလြန္းၿပီး ေျပလည္ စရာလည္း လမ္းမျမင္လို႕ ႏိုင္ငံေရးအရ ၫွိႏႈိင္းေဆြးေႏြး အေျဖရွာဖို႕ ျဖစ္ တယ္။ ဒါမ်ဳိးကို က်ေနာ္ သေဘာတူလက္ခံတယ္။ အခုျဖစ္ေနတာက ႏိုင္ငံ ေရးအရလည္း မေဆြးေႏြးဘူး။ စိတ္ပိုင္း႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ ျပိဳကဲြပ်က္စီးေအာင္ လုပ္ေနတာမ်ဳိးကိုေတာ့ မွန္ကန္တဲ့ လုပ္ရပ္ရယ္လို႕ က်ေနာ္မခံယူႏိုင္ဘူး။
ေမး။ ။ ဒီကိစၥနဲ႕ပတ္သက္ၿပီး ကိုးကန္႕မွာျဖစ္ရွိေနတဲ့ အေျခအေနအပါအဝင္ အမ်ားျပည္သူကို အတြင္းေရးမႉးဘာ ေျပာခ်င္ သလဲ?
ေျဖ။ ။ ကိုးကန္႕အဖြဲ႕အေပၚမွာ သူတို႕ျဖစ္ေစခ်င္တဲ့ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္၊ ဒါမွမဟုတ္ ျပည္သူ႕စစ္ပုံစံကို လက္မခံလို႕ တစိပ္ရရ၊ တဖဲ့ရရ သူတို႕လက္ ကိုင္ဒုတ္အျဖစ္ ဖဲ့ထုတ္ေမြးယူၿပီး ရန္တိုက္ေပးဖို႕ လုပ္တာပဲလို႕ ျမင္တယ္။ တျခားအပစ္ ရပ္အဖြဲ႕ေတြအေပၚမွာလည္း ဒီလိုခပ္ဆင္ဆင္ နည္းမ်ဳိးနဲ႕ လုပ္ လာမွာပဲ၊ ဒါက အစပဲလို႕ျမင္တယ္။ ဒီအေပၚမွာ သတိႀကီးႀကီးထားဖို႕ လို တယ္။
အမ်ားျပည္သူကို ခ်င့္ခ်ိန္ႏိုင္ေအာင္ ေျပာျပလိုတာက က်ေနာ္တို႕ႏိုင္ငံမွာ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ အႏွစ္ (၆၀) ေက်ာ္ ျဖစ္ေနခဲ့လို႕ က်ေနာ္တို႕ႏိုင္ငံ ဘယ္ ေလာက္အထိ ေအာက္က်ေနာက္က် ျဖစ္ေနရတယ္ဆိုတာ အမ်ားသိပါ တယ္။ အပစ္အခတ္ရပ္စဲခဲ့ၾကလို႕ ျပည္တြင္းစစ္မီး အရွိန္ေလ်ာ့လာတယ္။ ရင္းႏွီးမႈ ယံုၾကည္မႈအခ်ဳိ႕ ရလာတယ္။ ဒါကိုမျမင္ သခၤဏ္းစာမယူႏိုင္ေသးပဲ လက္နက္နည္းနဲ႕ ေျဖရွင္းမယ္၊ မမွန္မကန္တဲ့နည္းနဲ႕ ေျဖရွင္းဦးမယ္ဆိုရင္ က်ေနာ္တို႕ျပည္ေထာင္စုဟာ ေရွ႕တဆင့္မွာ ၿပဳိကြဲပ်က္စီးသြားမယ့္ အေျခ အေနကို ေရာက္သြားမယ္လို႕ က်ေနာ္ျမင္တယ္။ ဒီကိစၥ ေလးေလးနက္နက္ သုံးသပ္ၾကပါလို႕ပဲ ေျပာခ်င္တယ္။
စစ္အစုိးရက မြန္ျပည္သစ္၏ အေရးပါသည့္လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္အေပၚ ကန္႕သတ္လာ
0 comments
ဝီရ / ေခတ္ၿပဳိင္
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းမည္မဟုတ္ဟု ျငင္းဆုိထားသည့္ အပစ္ရပ္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္အား ၎တုိ႕၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ တရားစီရင္ေရးႏွင့္ ပါတီအတြက္ အေရးပါသည့္ အျခားလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တုိ႕အား နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရက ကန္႕သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္လာေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ပါတီ ဒု ဥကၠ႒ ႏုိင္ေရာ့စႏွင့္အဖြဲ႕အား အေ႐ွ႕ေတာင္ပုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ တုိင္းမႉးက လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ (၂၈)ရက္ေန႕က ေတြ႕ဆုံရာတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရဘက္က ယင္းကဲ့သုိ႕ ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
သထုံခ႐ုိင္႐ုံးမွ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္တစ္ဦးက "လူထုကုိ စည္း႐ုံးေရး လုပ္လုိ႕မရဘူးလုိ႕ သူတုိ႕ေတာင္းဆုိတယ္။ ဒါက လူထုနဲ႕ နီးနီးကပ္ကပ္ ထိေတြ႕မႈ ရဖုိ႕ အပစ္ရပ္လာကတည္းက ပါတီက ခ်မွတ္ထားတဲ့ မူဝါဒလမ္းစဥ္တစ္ရပ္ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီစည္း႐ုံးေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ေတြကုိ မလုပ္ဘူးဆုိတာက သူ(စစ္အစုိးရ)တုိ႕ တားလုိ႕ရတဲ့အရာလည္း မဟုတ္ဘူးေလ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒါက ရပ္ဖုိ႕ ခက္ခဲလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႕ဘဲ ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက တုိင္းမႉးကုိ ေျပာခဲ့တယ္"ဟု ပါတီ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္က ေခတ္ၿပဳိင္သုိ႕ ယေန႕ ေျပာၾကားသည္။
ေတြ႕ဆုံပြဲ၌ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကိစၥအျပင္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီမွ အခြန္ေကာက္ခံေနမႈႏွင့္ ပါတီ၏ ၾသဇာသက္ေရာက္ျခင္း မ႐ွိသည့္ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ တရားစီရင္ေရး မေဆာင္႐ြက္ရန္လည္း နအဖ တုိင္းမႉး၏ ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္တြင္ ပါဝင္သည္။
တရားစီရင္ေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ပါတီက ခ်မွတ္ထားရာတြင္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္နယ္ေျမ ခ႐ုိင္(၃)ခုမွ ေက်း႐ြာေပါင္း(၃၀၀)ေက်ာ္အနက္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္တုိ႕ ပူးတြဲအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သည့္ ေက်း႐ြာေပါင္း (၉၀)နီးပါး ႐ွိၿပီး မြန္ျပည္သစ္၏ သီးသန္႕အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္႐ွိ ႐ြာေပါင္း (၉၀)ေက်ာ္ ႐ွိသည္ဟု မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ၏ စရင္းဇယားအရ သိရသည္။ က်န္႐ွိသည့္ ေက်း႐ြာ(၁၀၀)ေက်ာ္မွာ စစ္အစုိးရ၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္တြင္ ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ျပည္သူလူထု၏ ဆႏၵအတုိင္းသာ ျဖစ္ေစရမည္ဟု စစ္အစုိးရအား တုန္႕ျပန္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ အရာ႐ွိတစ္ဦးက "က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ပါတီက ပါတီ လည္ပတ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႕အတြက္ ကုိယ့္အားနဲ႕ကုိယ္ ႐ုန္းကန္ေနရတာပါ။ နအဖဆီက ေထာက္ပံ့မႈေတြ မ႐ွိပါဘူး။ အေကာက္အခြန္လမ္းေၾကးေတြက ဆက္လက္ လည္ပတ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႕ေလာက္ဘဲ ႐ွိပါတယ္"ဟု ေျပာၾကားၿပီး အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံသုိ႕ ပါတီမွ တက္ေရာက္ျခင္း မျပဳသည့္ (၂၀၀၅)ခုႏွစ္ေနာက္ပုိင္း စစ္အစုိးရက လစဥ္ ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနသည့္ က်ပ္သိန္း(၄၀)ဝန္းက်င္ကုိလည္း ရပ္ဆုိင္းခံခဲ့ရသည္။
(၁၄)ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ထားသည့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီသည္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးႏွင့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေရာက္ေရးတုိ႕အား လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ (၅)ရက္ေန႕၌ တရားဝင္ ပယ္ခ်ထားသည့္အဖြဲ႕ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရးျပႆနာကုိ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရးျဖင့္သာ ေျဖ႐ွင္းရန္ စစ္အစုိးရအား တုိက္တြန္းထားသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီက စစ္အစုိးရ၏ ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ကုိ လက္မခံေၾကာင္း တရားဝင္ ျပန္ၾကားခဲ့သည့္ေနာက္ ပါတီ၏ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈႏွင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ဳိ႕ ၏ မေ႐ြ႕ေျပာင္းႏုိင္သည့္ အိမ္ေျမၿခံကုိ ေရာင္းခ်ျခင္း ခြင့္မျပဳေၾကာင္း စစ္အစုိးရက ကန္႕သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈမ်ားလည္း ႐ွိေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းမည္မဟုတ္ဟု ျငင္းဆုိထားသည့္ အပစ္ရပ္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္အား ၎တုိ႕၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးဆုိင္ရာ တရားစီရင္ေရးႏွင့္ ပါတီအတြက္ အေရးပါသည့္ အျခားလုပ္ငန္းစဥ္တုိ႕အား နအဖ စစ္အစုိးရက ကန္႕သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္လာေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ပါတီ ဒု ဥကၠ႒ ႏုိင္ေရာ့စႏွင့္အဖြဲ႕အား အေ႐ွ႕ေတာင္ပုိင္း စစ္ဌာနခ်ဳပ္ တုိင္းမႉးက လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ (၂၈)ရက္ေန႕က ေတြ႕ဆုံရာတြင္ စစ္အစုိးရဘက္က ယင္းကဲ့သုိ႕ ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။
သထုံခ႐ုိင္႐ုံးမွ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္တစ္ဦးက "လူထုကုိ စည္း႐ုံးေရး လုပ္လုိ႕မရဘူးလုိ႕ သူတုိ႕ေတာင္းဆုိတယ္။ ဒါက လူထုနဲ႕ နီးနီးကပ္ကပ္ ထိေတြ႕မႈ ရဖုိ႕ အပစ္ရပ္လာကတည္းက ပါတီက ခ်မွတ္ထားတဲ့ မူဝါဒလမ္းစဥ္တစ္ရပ္ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အဲဒီစည္း႐ုံးေရး လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ေတြကုိ မလုပ္ဘူးဆုိတာက သူ(စစ္အစုိးရ)တုိ႕ တားလုိ႕ရတဲ့အရာလည္း မဟုတ္ဘူးေလ။ ဒါေၾကာင့္ ဒါက ရပ္ဖုိ႕ ခက္ခဲလိမ့္မယ္လုိ႕ဘဲ ပါတီေခါင္းေဆာင္ေတြက တုိင္းမႉးကုိ ေျပာခဲ့တယ္"ဟု ပါတီ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္က ေခတ္ၿပဳိင္သုိ႕ ယေန႕ ေျပာၾကားသည္။
ေတြ႕ဆုံပြဲ၌ တပ္ဖြဲ႕ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးကိစၥအျပင္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီမွ အခြန္ေကာက္ခံေနမႈႏွင့္ ပါတီ၏ ၾသဇာသက္ေရာက္ျခင္း မ႐ွိသည့္ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ တရားစီရင္ေရး မေဆာင္႐ြက္ရန္လည္း နအဖ တုိင္းမႉး၏ ေတာင္းဆုိခ်က္တြင္ ပါဝင္သည္။
တရားစီရင္ေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္၍ ပါတီက ခ်မွတ္ထားရာတြင္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္နယ္ေျမ ခ႐ုိင္(၃)ခုမွ ေက်း႐ြာေပါင္း(၃၀၀)ေက်ာ္အနက္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္တုိ႕ ပူးတြဲအုပ္ခ်ဳပ္သည့္ ေက်း႐ြာေပါင္း (၉၀)နီးပါး ႐ွိၿပီး မြန္ျပည္သစ္၏ သီးသန္႕အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္႐ွိ ႐ြာေပါင္း (၉၀)ေက်ာ္ ႐ွိသည္ဟု မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ၏ စရင္းဇယားအရ သိရသည္။ က်န္႐ွိသည့္ ေက်း႐ြာ(၁၀၀)ေက်ာ္မွာ စစ္အစုိးရ၏ အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္မႈေအာက္တြင္ ျဖစ္ေသာ္လည္း ျပည္သူလူထု၏ ဆႏၵအတုိင္းသာ ျဖစ္ေစရမည္ဟု စစ္အစုိးရအား တုန္႕ျပန္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္မွ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ အရာ႐ွိတစ္ဦးက "က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ပါတီက ပါတီ လည္ပတ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႕အတြက္ ကုိယ့္အားနဲ႕ကုိယ္ ႐ုန္းကန္ေနရတာပါ။ နအဖဆီက ေထာက္ပံ့မႈေတြ မ႐ွိပါဘူး။ အေကာက္အခြန္လမ္းေၾကးေတြက ဆက္လက္ လည္ပတ္ႏုိင္ဖုိ႕ေလာက္ဘဲ ႐ွိပါတယ္"ဟု ေျပာၾကားၿပီး အမ်ဳိးသားညီလာခံသုိ႕ ပါတီမွ တက္ေရာက္ျခင္း မျပဳသည့္ (၂၀၀၅)ခုႏွစ္ေနာက္ပုိင္း စစ္အစုိးရက လစဥ္ ေထာက္ပံ့ေပးေနသည့္ က်ပ္သိန္း(၄၀)ဝန္းက်င္ကုိလည္း ရပ္ဆုိင္းခံခဲ့ရသည္။
(၁၄)ႏွစ္ေက်ာ္ စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ အပစ္ရပ္ထားသည့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီသည္ နယ္ျခားေစာင့္တပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းေရးႏွင့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ေရာက္ေရးတုိ႕အား လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ (၅)ရက္ေန႕၌ တရားဝင္ ပယ္ခ်ထားသည့္အဖြဲ႕ ျဖစ္ၿပီး ႏုိင္ငံေရးျပႆနာကုိ ေတြ႕ဆုံေဆြးေႏြးေရးျဖင့္သာ ေျဖ႐ွင္းရန္ စစ္အစုိးရအား တုိက္တြန္းထားသည္။
မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီက စစ္အစုိးရ၏ ကမ္းလွမ္းခ်က္ကုိ လက္မခံေၾကာင္း တရားဝင္ ျပန္ၾကားခဲ့သည့္ေနာက္ ပါတီ၏ ပုိင္ဆုိင္မႈႏွင့္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္တခ်ဳိ႕ ၏ မေ႐ြ႕ေျပာင္းႏုိင္သည့္ အိမ္ေျမၿခံကုိ ေရာင္းခ်ျခင္း ခြင့္မျပဳေၾကာင္း စစ္အစုိးရက ကန္႕သတ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈမ်ားလည္း ႐ွိေနေၾကာင္း သိရသည္။
အိပ္မက္ပုံျပင္ - အငဲ
September 9, 2009 0 comments
အိပ္မက္ပုံျပင္
ေတးေရး - လင္းလင္း
ေတးဆုိ - အငဲ
အယ္လ္ဘမ္ - ကုိး
Key - E (Dbm)
Intro - Dbm A B Bb7
Dbm
ညရင္ျပင္ ဟုိးအေဝးမွာ
A
အလင္းၾကယ္ေရာင္ ေဖ်ာ့ေအာက္မွာ
Dbm
မ်က္ဝန္းတစ္စုံရယ္ တိတ္ဆိတ္စြာ
A
ငါ့အာ႐ုံထဲ တုိးဝင္ ေနရာယူရင္း
ေကာင္းကင္ျပင္ မုိးသားအလယ္ / ထဲ
အတိတ္ပုံရိပ္မ်ား လြင့္ေန
ေဆးေရာင္စုံ မင္းအနမ္းမ်ား
တစ္စစီ ငါလုိက္ေကာက္ကာ
B A
ေခၚသံမ်ားလား မပီျပင္ ဝုိးတဝါး မုိးသား မ်ားထဲ
B A B
ေတြေဝဆဲပဲ ကမၻာေျမျပင္ အဆုံးစြန္
Db Db A B
ထြက္ေျပး ေဝး တုိ႕အရိပ္ေတြလည္း ေခ်ာက္နက္ေတြထဲ
Db Db A B A
ထြက္ေျပး ေဝး တုိ႕အတိတ္ေတြလည္း အိပ္မက္ေတြထဲ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္အေဝး
ထြက္ေျပး ေဝး တုိ႕အရိပ္ေတြလည္း မုိးသားေတြထဲ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္ အေဝး
ေတးေရး - လင္းလင္း
ေတးဆုိ - အငဲ
အယ္လ္ဘမ္ - ကုိး
Key - E (Dbm)
Intro - Dbm A B Bb7
Dbm
ညရင္ျပင္ ဟုိးအေဝးမွာ
A
အလင္းၾကယ္ေရာင္ ေဖ်ာ့ေအာက္မွာ
Dbm
မ်က္ဝန္းတစ္စုံရယ္ တိတ္ဆိတ္စြာ
A
ငါ့အာ႐ုံထဲ တုိးဝင္ ေနရာယူရင္း
ေကာင္းကင္ျပင္ မုိးသားအလယ္ / ထဲ
အတိတ္ပုံရိပ္မ်ား လြင့္ေန
ေဆးေရာင္စုံ မင္းအနမ္းမ်ား
တစ္စစီ ငါလုိက္ေကာက္ကာ
B A
ေခၚသံမ်ားလား မပီျပင္ ဝုိးတဝါး မုိးသား မ်ားထဲ
B A B
ေတြေဝဆဲပဲ ကမၻာေျမျပင္ အဆုံးစြန္
Db Db A B
ထြက္ေျပး ေဝး တုိ႕အရိပ္ေတြလည္း ေခ်ာက္နက္ေတြထဲ
Db Db A B A
ထြက္ေျပး ေဝး တုိ႕အတိတ္ေတြလည္း အိပ္မက္ေတြထဲ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္အေဝး
ထြက္ေျပး ေဝး တုိ႕အရိပ္ေတြလည္း မုိးသားေတြထဲ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္ အေဝး
ကိန္းဂဏန္းမ်ားနဲ႕ အငဲ
0 comments
ယုယ
နာမည္ႀကီး ေရာ့ခ္အဆုိေတာ္ အငဲမွာ အျခားအဆုိေတာ္ေတြထက္ ထူးျခားမႈေတြ ႐ွိတယ္။ သူရဲ႕ယခင္ေတးစီးရီးေတြမွာလည္း ကိန္းဂဏန္းေတြပါတဲ့သီခ်င္းေတြ မပါေပမဲ့ ေတးစီးရီးရဲ႕ နာမည္ကုိက်ေတာ့ ဘယ္ႏွေခြေျမာက္ ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ နာမည္အဆန္းေလးေတြ ေပးတတ္တယ္။
သူရဲ႕ (၆)ေခြေျမာက္ ေတးစီးရီးကုိ ဆဌမအာ႐ုံ ဆုိၿပီး ေပးခဲ့တယ္။ (၇)ႏွစ္ေခြေျမာက္ကုိ ခုႏွစ္ေထြအက တဲ့။ (၈)ေခြေျမာက္ဆုိရင္ ႐ွစ္သိန္း႐ွစ္ေသာင္းကမၻာ လုိ႕ ပထမက ေပးခဲ့တယ္လုိ႕ ၾကားဖူးတယ္။ ဆင္ဆာေၾကာင့္လား၊ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲေတာ့ မသိဘူး။ ေနာက္ပုိင္း အေခြထြက္လာေတာ့ ဇစ္ျမစ္ ဆုိၿပီး ျဖစ္သြားေရာ။ (ဘာမွ မဆုိင္ဘူ့းေနာ္)။
စက္တင္ဘာ ၉ ၂၀၀၉ ဒီေန႕မွာ ထြက္တဲ့(၉)ေခြေျမာက္ စီးရီးကုိ က်ေနာ့္လို ေျမျခားမွာ ႐ွိေနတဲ့ လူတစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႕ နားမေထာင္ႏုိင္ဘူးလုိ႕ ထင္ၾကမွာပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ထုတ္လုပ္သူနဲ႕ အငဲ ကုိ ေတာင္းပန္ပါတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ အခုေလးဘဲ ကာဗာေရာ၊ စာအုပ္ေရာ၊ သီခ်င္း(၁၂)ပုဒ္လုံးေရာ ရလုိက္တယ္။ (မူရင္းအေခြ လက္လွမ္းလုိ႕ ဝယ္လုိ႕ရရင္ေတာ့ ဝယ္ထားဦးမွာပါ။ (ေခ်ာ့တာ အလကား တစ္ခါမွ မဝယ္ဘဲနဲ႕) အခု နားေထာင္ေနတယ္။ အငဲရဲ႕ ကုိယ္ပုိင္သံစဥ္ အျဖစ္ ထြက္လာတဲ့ ပထမဆုံးအေခြ ဆုိေတာ့ နားေထာင္ခ်င္ေနတာ။ အဲ(၉)ေခြေျမာက္မွာ ကိန္းဂဏန္းေတြ ျပန္ပါလာတယ္။ အယ္လ္ဘမ္နာမည္ကုိ "ကုိး"လုိ႕ ေပးထားတယ္။ (အံေရာ) (၁၀)ေခြေျမာက္က်ရင္ ဘာနာမည္ေပးဦးမလဲ မသိဘူး။ ပထမအေခါက္ နားေထာင္ၿပီးသြားေတာ့ အပုဒ္နံပါတ္ (၆) လင္းလင္း ေရးတဲ့ ငါ့စိတ္နဲ႕ငါ ဆုိတဲ့သီခ်င္းက နားထဲမွာ စြဲေနတယ္။ အဲဒီအပုိဒ္က လင္းလင္းရဲ႕ အေငြ႕အသက္ေတြ ေတြ႕ရတာ အနည္းဆုံး ျဖစ္ၿပီး အငဲရဲ႕ သီဆုိဟန္ ေကာင္းလြန္းတာေၾကာင့္ ႀကဳိက္တာပါ။ သီခ်င္းေကာင္းေလးတစ္ပုဒ္လုိ႕ ဆုိရမွာပါ။
အပုဒ္ နံပါတ္ (၄)က နအဖရဲ႕ လွည့္ကြက္ထဲကုိ မဝင္ခ်င္ေတာ့တဲ့ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးရဲေဘာ္တစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ ၿငီးထြားသံလားလုိ႕ နာမည္ကုိက "ဗ်ဴဟာ"တဲ့။ ေနာေနာ္ ေရးတာ။ အငဲေတာင္ ေနာေနာ္ သီခ်င္းဆုိလုိက္ေတာ့ ေနာေနာ္ရဲ႕ ဆုိဟန္ေတြ သီခ်င္းမွာ ပါလာတာ ေတြ႕ရတယ္။
ျမင္ေနဆဲ မေ႐ွာင္ႏုိင္ဘူး ငါမွားခဲ့
မႏြယ္ပါနဲ႕ မာယာအေသႀကီးနဲ႕
အိပ္မက္ထဲ ပုံစံလာမေပးနဲ႕ ေနာင္တႀကီး ငါျပန္မလုိခ်င္ဘူး။
ေအးေဆးေန ေဝးေဝးေန ေနာက္ထပ္ ငါ့ကုိ မလွည့္ဖ်ားနဲ႕
နာရီတုိင္း ဗ်ဴဟာေတြ မခင္းနဲ႕ ႏြံအုိင္မွန္း သိမွေတာ့ ထပ္မဆင္းဘူး
အဲဒီအထဲက "ပညတ္ေတြ ကုိယ္က်င့္တရားေတြ ႐ွိရက္နဲ႕ ငါ့မွာ က်ဆုံးခဲ့"ဆုိတဲ့စာသားက ျမန္မာျပည္မွာ သိပ္မွန္တယ္။
ၾကားထဲမွာ ေမာင္ေမာင္ေဇာ္လတ္ ကလည္း "ငါ့စိတ္ကုိ မီးမ႐ႈိ႕ပါနဲ႕"တဲ့။ ေအာ္ၿပီးေတာ့ကုိ ဆုိထားတာ။ ေမာင္ေမာင္ေဇာ္လတ္ ေရးတဲ့ "ေနာက္ဆုံးမိနစ္" သီခ်င္းက လင္းလင္း ဆုိဖူးတဲ့ "ေခါက္႐ုိးက်ဳိး" သီခ်င္းလုိ ေနာက္အခန္း ေနာက္ဆုံးအနမ္း၊ ေနာက္ဆုံးလမ္းခြဲခ်ိန္ ေနာက္ဆုံးေန႕ ေနာက္ဆုံးအထိေတာ့ ေနာက္ဆုံးထြက္သက္ ေနာက္ဆုံးအိပ္မက္ ေနာက္ဆုံးမိနစ္ ေနာက္ဆုံးစကၠန္႕" ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ အငဲရဲ႕ ငုိဟန္နဲ႕ လူငယ္ေတြ ႀကဳိက္မဲ့သီခ်င္းေလးတစ္ပုဒ္ ျဖစ္မွာပါ။ ဒီသီခ်င္းကလည္း ကုိယ္ပုိင္သံစဥ္ လုိ႕ ေျပာထားေပမဲ့ အဂၤလိပ္သီခ်င္း ေတာ္ေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ နားေထာင္ဖူးသလုိ ခံစားလုိက္ရတယ္။ (ေအးေလ သူက ကုိယ္ပုိင္ဆုိေတာ့ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ေပါ့)
ေနာက္တစ္ပုဒ္က အငဲ တစ္ခါမွ မဆုိဖူးတဲ့ ေန႕တုိင္း႐ုန္းကန္ေနရတဲ့ စားဝတ္ေနေရးအတြက္ အေကာင္းဆုံး အိပ္မက္မက္တတ္တဲ့သူတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕ ခံစားခ်က္ကုိ ေဖာ္ျပထားတယ္။ ပုိက္ဆံေလးေတြ စုခ်င္တယ္။ လကုန္တုိင္း ဆုေတာင္းဆဲကြယ္၊ တုိ႕ႏွစ္ေယာက္အတြက္ အိမ္လုိခ်င္တယ္ တဲ့။ သီခ်င္းနာမည္ကုိ "အိမ္"လုိ႕ ေပးထားတယ္။ အငဲ နဲ႕ ေမာင္ေမာင္ေဇာ္လတ္ရယ္ အိမ္ေတာင္ မ႐ွိေသးဘူးလားကြယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ အဓိပၸါယ္က အမ်ားႀကီး သက္ေရာက္ႏုိင္ပါတယ္။ ဒီအပုဒ္မွာ သံစဥ္နဲ႕ စာသားက ေကာင္းလြန္းပါတယ္။
ခ်ဳပ္ေျပာရရင္ ဒီအယ္လ္ဘမ္မွာ အငဲရဲ႕ အရင္သီခ်င္းေတြရဲ႕ မယ္လုိဒီေတြ ျပန္ၾကားေနရတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ အငဲရဲ႕ အေငြ႕အသက္ထက္ သီခ်င္းေရးသူ ေမာင္ေမာင္ေဇာ္လတ္၊ လင္းလင္း၊ ေနာေနာ္တုိ႕ရဲ႕ အေငြ႕အသက္ေတြက လႊမ္းထားသလုိ ျဖစ္ေနတယ္။ (တန္းသစ္ ေတးေရး၊ ေတးဆုိ လင္းလင္း နဲ႕ ေနာေနာ္ ကုိ ေလးျဖဴတုိ႕ေရာ အခု အငဲေရာ ဘာလုိ႕ အမ်ားႀကီး သုံးလာရသလဲ မေျပာတတ္ဘူး) ေလးျဖဴရဲ႕ ေနာက္ဆုံးထြက္တဲ့ အယ္လ္ဘမ္ BOB မွာ ႏႈတ္ပိတ္ ဆုိတဲ့ သီခ်င္းကလြဲရင္ က်န္တာအားလုံးကလည္း ဒီေတးေရးရဲ႕ ဆုိဟန္ေတြ ပါပါလာတတ္တယ္။ (ေတးေရးေတြကလည္း ေတးဆုိေတြ ျဖစ္ေနတာကုိး နားေထာင္ဖူးသူတုိင္း သိပါလိမ့္မယ္) အငဲရဲ႕ ကုိယ္ပုိင္ဟန္ကုိ ျပန္ရဖုိ႕ သူကုိယ္တုိင္ ေရးရလိမ့္မယ္။ အခုေခြမွာ တစ္ပုဒ္မွ သူ မေရးထားဘူး ခင္ဗ်။ (ဒါေပမဲ့ တန္းဝင္တဲ့ေခြလုိ႕ေတာ့ ဆုိပါရေစ)
အိပ္မက္ပုံျပင္ - အငဲ
ယုယ
စက္တင္ဘာ ၈၊ ၂၀၀၉
၁၈ နာရီ ၅၃ မိနစ္
မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား တတိယ အင္အားစု ပါတီတစ္ရပ္ ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ေနၾကၿပီ
0 comments
Kaowao
စံခလပူရီ(၉-စက္တင္ဘာ)။ ။ စစ္အစုိးရ၏ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲဝင္ သင့္မသင့္ မဆုံးျဖတ္ၾကရေသးေသာ္လည္း လာမည့္ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဥပေဒကုိ သုံးသပ္၍ ပါဝင္သင့္က အဆင္သင့္ ျဖစ္ေနေစရန္ ရည္႐ြယ္ၿပီး မြန္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမား စုစည္းကာ အဖြဲ႔တစ္ဖြဲ႔ စုဖြဲ႕ထားၿပီ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ထိပ္တန္း အဖြဲ႔ဝင္တစ္ဦး ျဖစ္သူ ေဒါက္တာ ဗညားေအာင္မုိး က ထုတ္ေဖၚ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
“က်ေနာ္က ဒီအဖြဲ႔မွာ ပါဝင္သူ ဆုိေပမဲ့ ေျပာေရးဆုိခြင့္႐ွိသူေတာ့ မဟုတ္ပါဘူး၊ ဒါေပမဲ့ သိသင့္တဲ့ အခ်က္တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ကုိ ေျပာျပလုိ႔ရပါတယ္၊ အဓိက ရည္႐ြယ္ခ်က္က အမ်ဳိးသားျပန္လည္ သင့္ျမတ္ေရး လမ္းေၾကာင္းမွာ ေလ်ွာက္လွမ္းသြားႏုိင္ဖုိ႔ပါ၊ လစ္ဘရယ္ လစ္ဇင္ Liberalism ကုိ အေျခခံၿပီး သြားဖုိ႔ သင့္ေတာ္တဲ့ မူတစ္ရပ္ကုိ အေျခခံၿပီး က်ေနာ္ကပဲ ဦးေဆာင္ တင္ျပခဲ့ပါတယ္” ဟု ဆုိပါသည္။
ထုိ တတိယအင္အားစု မြန္ႏုိင္ငံေရး အဖြဲ႔အစည္း၏ အမည္ကုိ အတိအက် မသတ္မွတ္ရေသး၍ မထုတ္ျပန္ေသးေပ။ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ ပါတီဝင္ေဟာင္းမ်ား၊ အဖ်က္သိမ္းခံ မြန္အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔မွ လူလတ္ပုိင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား၊ ပညာ႐ွင္မ်ား၊ အၿငိမ္းဆရာဝန္၊ ေက်ာင္ဆရာမ်ား ပါဝင္ၾကသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
အဆုိပါ အဖြဲ႔အစည္းသစ္၌ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီမွ ဗဟုိအလုပ္အမႈေဆာင္ေဟာင္း ႏုိင္တင္ေအာင္၊ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္ေဟာင္း ႏုိင္ျမင့္ေဆြ (ဗုိလ္မႉးႀကီးေဟာင္း လဝီေအာင္)ႏွင့္ ႏုိင္စုိးျမင့္ တုိ႔ ပါဝင္သည္ ႏုိင္ေအာင္မုိးက ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
ပညာ႐ွင္မ်ားအုပ္စုတြင္ အၿငိမ္းစား ျပည္နယ္ က်န္းမာေရးအရာ႐ွိ ေဒါက္တာ မင္းႏြယ္စုိး၊ အၿငိမ္းစားျပည္နယ္ ပညာေရးမႉး ႏုိင္ေငြသိန္းတုိ႔ ဦးေဆာင္ ပါဝင္ၾကသည္ဟု သိရသည္။
မြန္အမ်ဳိးသားဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔မွ ေဒါက္တာ မင္းစုိးလင္း၊ ေဒါက္တာ မင္းၾကည္ဝင္း၊ တကၠသုိလ္ နည္းျပ ဆရာေဟာင္း မြန္ရာဇာ တုိ႔ ပါဝင္ၾကသည္ဟု ဆုိေသာ္လည္း ကာယကံ႐ွင္မ်ားက အတည္ျပဳ ေျပာၾကားျခင္း မျပဳေသးေပ။ မြန္အမ်ဳိးသား ဒီမုိကေရစီအဖြဲ႔သည္ ၁၉၉၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲတြင္ လႊတ္ေတာ္ ကုိယ္စားလွယ္ေလာင္း ၁၉ ဦး ပါဝင္ ယွဥ္ၿပဳိင္ခဲ့ရာ အမတ္ ၅ ေနရာ ရ႐ွိခဲ့သည္။ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားကုိလည္း မၾကာခဏ စစ္ေဆးဖမ္းဆီးမႈမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ၁၉၉၂ ခု၊ မတ္လ ၁၉ ရက္ေန႔၌ စစ္အစုိးရက တရားဝင္ ပါတီမွ ရပ္စဲလုိက္သည္။ လက္႐ွိတြင္ လာမည့္ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ လက္မခံႏုိင္ ဟု ပါတ ီထိပ္ပုိင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားက သတင္းမီဒီယာမ်ားကုိ ဖြင့္ဟ ေျပာဆုိခဲ့ၾကသည္။
ထုိ႔အတူ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီသည္လည္း နယ္ျခားတပ္ အသြင္ေျပာင္းလဲေရးကုိ လက္မခံၾကသည့္အျပင္ ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲကုိ ဝင္မည္ မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း အတိအလင္း ထုတ္ေဖၚ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့ၿပီး ျဖစ္သည္။
စစ္အစုိးရ တုိင္းမႉးႏွင့္ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ထိပ္ပုိင္းေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၃ ဦးတုိ႔ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၈ ရက္ေန႔က ေမာ္လၿမဳိင္ၿမဳိ႕၌ ထပ္မံ ေတြ႔ဆုံခဲ့ၾကၿပီးေနာက္ လာမည့္ မၾကာခင္ ရက္ပုိင္းအတြင္း မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီ အေရးေပၚ အစည္းအေဝးတစ္ရပ္ က်င္းပရန္ ႐ွိေၾကာင္း ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္တစ္ဦးက ထုတ္ေဖၚ ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။
အဆုိပါ ႏုိင္ငံေရး အေျခအေန မတည္ၿငိမ္မႈ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနသည့္ လတ္တေလာ ကာလ၌ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီ ဗဟုိေကာ္မတီဝင္မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကသည့္ ႏုိင္ဥာဏ္ထြန္း၊ ႏုိင္လဝီမြန္၊ စစ္ဦးစီးမႉး ဗုိလ္မႉးႀကီး ကုိတာ တုိ႔ ႏႈတ္ထြက္စာ အသီးသီး တင္ထားၾကၿပီဟု သိရသည္။
အလားတူ မြန္ျပည္သစ္ပါတီအား စစ္အစုိးရႏွင့္ အပစ္အခတ္ ရပ္စဲေရး ျပဳလုပ္လာေစရန္ ေျဖာင္းျဖနားခ်ခဲ့ေသာ KIO ကခ်င္ လြတ္လပ္ေရးအဖြဲ႔မွ ဝါရင့္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဒုဥကၠဌ ေဒါက္တာတူးဂ်ာ အပါအဝင္ ထိပ္ပုိင္း ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ၆ ဦးလည္း အသီးသီး ႏႈတ္ထြက္ခြင့္ ရခဲ့ၿပီး ၂၀၁၀ ေ႐ြးေကာက္ပြဲ ဝင္ႏုိင္ရန္ ကခ်င္ျပည္နယ္ တုိးတက္ေရး ပါတီ KSPP ကုိ ဖြဲ႔စည္းရန္ ျပင္ဆင္ေနၾကၿပီ ဟု သတင္းမ်ားတြင္ ေဖၚျပၾကသည္။
ဘုရားသုံးဆူၿမဳိ႕ေပၚတြင္ ဗုံး(၂)လုံး ေပါက္ကြဲ
0 comments
စက္တင္ဘာ (၉) ရက္ ၂၀၀၉ ဒီေန႕ မနက္ပုိင္း (၉)နာရီ ၄၅ မိနစ္ေလာက္မွာ ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ ဘုရားသုံးဆူၿမဳိ႕ေပၚ႐ွိ ဒီေကဘီေအႏွင့္ ျပည္သူ႕စစ္ ဂိတ္ဖြင့္ထားသည့္ၾကားေနရာတစ္ေနရာမွာ ဗုံးေပါက္ကြဲမႈ ဆက္တုိက္(၂)ႀကိမ္ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ပါတယ္။
ေပါက္ကြဲမႈေၾကာင့္ လူအေသအေပ်ာက္ မ႐ွိေသာ္လည္း လမ္းမႀကီးေပၚမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားတာေၾကာင့္ ႐ုန္းရင္းဆန္ခန္႕ ျဖစ္သြားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအျဖစ္အပ်က္ကုိ ျမင္တဲ့သူ ၿမဳိ႕ခံေတြရဲ႕ အေျပာအရေတာ့ ဘုရားသုံးဆူမွာ အေျခစုိက္တဲ့ ခမရ ၂၈၃ က ဗုိလ္ႀကီးတစ္ဦးက မဲကသာ႐ြာက ျပန္လာတဲ့အခါ အဲဒီေနရာမွာ အၿမဲတမ္း နားေနတဲ့အတြက္ အခုလုိ ေဖာက္ခြဲတာလုိ႕ ဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ဘယ္သူ႕လက္ခ်က္လဲ ဆုိတာေတာ့ မေသခ်ာေသးဘူးတဲ့။
အဲဒီဗုိလ္ႀကီးက ေကအန္ယူ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ မဲကသာ႐ြာကုိ ေန႕တုိင္း သြားၿပီး ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ေတြရဲ႕ ကတုတ္က်င္း ေဆာက္ေနတာေတြကုိ စစ္ေဆးၿပီး ျပန္လာရင္ အဲဒီဗုံးေပါက္ကြဲတဲ့ေနရာမွာ နားတတ္တယ္လုိ႕ ဆုိၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီေန႕ ေပါက္ကဲြတဲ့အခ်ိန္က အဲဒီဗုိလ္ႀကီးက ေနရာကေန ထြက္သြားတာ မိနစ္ပုိင္းေလာက္ဘဲ ႐ွိေသးတယ္တဲ့။
(ခ် ခ် ........ ထိေအာင္ ခ်။ ေနာက္တစ္ခါက်ရင္ )
ေပါက္ကြဲမႈေၾကာင့္ လူအေသအေပ်ာက္ မ႐ွိေသာ္လည္း လမ္းမႀကီးေပၚမွာ ျဖစ္ပြားတာေၾကာင့္ ႐ုန္းရင္းဆန္ခန္႕ ျဖစ္သြားပါတယ္။ အဲဒီအျဖစ္အပ်က္ကုိ ျမင္တဲ့သူ ၿမဳိ႕ခံေတြရဲ႕ အေျပာအရေတာ့ ဘုရားသုံးဆူမွာ အေျခစုိက္တဲ့ ခမရ ၂၈၃ က ဗုိလ္ႀကီးတစ္ဦးက မဲကသာ႐ြာက ျပန္လာတဲ့အခါ အဲဒီေနရာမွာ အၿမဲတမ္း နားေနတဲ့အတြက္ အခုလုိ ေဖာက္ခြဲတာလုိ႕ ဆုိပါတယ္။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ဘယ္သူ႕လက္ခ်က္လဲ ဆုိတာေတာ့ မေသခ်ာေသးဘူးတဲ့။
အဲဒီဗုိလ္ႀကီးက ေကအန္ယူ ထိန္းခ်ဳပ္ထားတဲ့ မဲကသာ႐ြာကုိ ေန႕တုိင္း သြားၿပီး ဒီေကဘီေအ တပ္ေတြရဲ႕ ကတုတ္က်င္း ေဆာက္ေနတာေတြကုိ စစ္ေဆးၿပီး ျပန္လာရင္ အဲဒီဗုံးေပါက္ကြဲတဲ့ေနရာမွာ နားတတ္တယ္လုိ႕ ဆုိၾကပါတယ္။ ဒီေန႕ ေပါက္ကဲြတဲ့အခ်ိန္က အဲဒီဗုိလ္ႀကီးက ေနရာကေန ထြက္သြားတာ မိနစ္ပုိင္းေလာက္ဘဲ ႐ွိေသးတယ္တဲ့။
(ခ် ခ် ........ ထိေအာင္ ခ်။ ေနာက္တစ္ခါက်ရင္ )
အခ်ဳိးအေကြ႕နဲ႕ ျဖစ္တည္ခ်က္မ်ား
September 8, 2009 0 commentsတက္ေနဆည္းဆာ
က်ေနာ့္မွာ အၿမဲတမ္းလုိလုိ အျမင္မတူတတ္တဲ့ သူငယ္ခ်င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ႐ွိတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ အျမင္မတူရတာလဲ ဆုိေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္မွာ ႐ွိတဲ့ အရည္အခ်င္းအတုိင္း သူအၿမဲ ႐ွိခ်င္လုိ႕ ေဆြးေႏြးတဲ့အခါ အၿမဲတမ္း ျငင္းခုန္ေနရတဲ့ သူငယ္ခ်င္းပါ။ သူက ပုစၧာတစ္ပုိဒ္ကုိ အေျဖ႐ွာရာမွာ “ေက်ာင္းတစ္ေက်ာင္းထဲက တစ္တန္းထဲသားေတြ ပထမဆု လုတဲ့နည္း” သုံးၿပီး ျငင္းခုန္ၾကတဲ့ အရက္ဆုိင္၊ လက္ဖက္ရည္ဆုိင္ထဲက ဝုိင္းသားေတြ သူ႕ကုိ အထင္မေသးေစခ်င္လုိ႕သာ သူ႕အျမင္မွန္ေၾကာင္း အေလ်ာ့မေပးဘဲ ျငင္းခုန္တတ္တဲ့သူငယ္ခ်င္းေပါ့။
သူနဲ႕ ေတြ႕ျဖစ္တာ ဟုိးတကၠသုိလ္ေက်ာင္းသားဘဝ ကတည္းကပါ။ စေတြ႕တုန္းက ေသြးေဖာက္ေသာက္ၾကဘုိ႕ က်ေနာ္ကုိ ေတာင္းဆုိခဲ့တဲ့ တစ္ဦးတည္းေသာ သူငယ္ခ်င္းဟာလည္း သူပါဘဲ။ သူက က်ေနာ့္ထက္ အစစအရာရာ ျပည့္စုံတဲ့သူ ဆုိလည္း မမွန္ပါဘူး။ ဒါေပမယ့္ သူ႕မွာက ကုိယ္ပုိင္ အရည္အခ်င္း မ႐ွိဘူး။ ဥပမာ။ ။ တာရာမင္းေဝတုိ႕၊ ေအာင္ခ်ိမ့္တုိ႕ရဲ႕ စာသားေတြကုိ အလြတ္က်က္ၿပီး ဝုိင္းထဲမွာ ဆရာႀကီးဂုိက္နဲ႕ ျပန္န္ ႐ြတ္ဆုိတတ္ၿပီး ဝုိင္းဖုိးကုိေတာင္ ႐ွင္းေပးဘုိ႕ လက္မတြတ္တတ္သူေပါ့။
က်ေနာ့္အက်င့္က ဝုိင္းထုိင္ၾကရင္ ထူးျခားတာ တစ္ခု႐ွိတယ္။ အႀကံညာဏ္တစ္ခုခု၊ အလုပ္တစ္ခုခုအတြက္သာ ဝုိင္းထုိင္တတ္တယ္။ ဘာမဟုတ္တဲ့ အရည္မရ၊ အဖတ္မရ အေၾကာင္းေတြအတြက္ မျငင္းခုန္တတ္ဘူး။ ဒီေန႕ သူ တစ္ခုခု မႏုိင္တာဘဲျဖစ္စ္၊ စကားလုံးနဲ႕ ပစ္ေပါက္ခံလုိက္ရရင္ဘဲျဖစ္စ္ အခြင့္သာရင္ အၿမဲျပန္န္ ဖြင့္ဟတတ္တယ္ဗ်။ အသက္ႀကီးလာေလ သူနဲ႕ စကားေျပာရရင္ ပုိပုိၿပီး ဆင္ျခင္ရေလ ျဖစ္လာတယ္။ သူ႕မွာ ဘာအရည္အခ်င္းမွ မ႐ွိဘူး ဆုိတာ ထင္သာေအာင္ ျပပါ့မယ္။
လူႀကီးတစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕သား ျဖစ္တယ္။ ရန္ကုန္တကၠသုိလ္ေက်ာင္းမွာ တက္ေရာက္ၾကတဲ့ ေတာသားေတြက မိဘဆီက ပုိက္ဆံနဲ႕ ေလာက္ေအာင္ အႏုိင္င္ ကုတ္ျခစ္ၿပီး စေနရတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ သူက သူ႕အေဖရဲ႕ ၾသဇာနဲ႕ ခ်က္ျပဳတ္ၿပီးသား ထမင္းဟင္းေတြနဲ႕ ကုိယ္ပုိင္အခန္းနဲ႕ မိဘ ပုိ႕တဲ့ပုိက္ဆံကုိ ေက်ာင္းက ကန္တင္းနဲ႕ အရက္ဆုိင္တစ္ခ်ဳိ႕ေလာက္မွာဘဲ ျဖဳန္းဘုိ႕အတြက္ ျဖစ္တယ္။ အေဖအေ႐ွ႕မွာဆုိရင္ ကုတ္တ္ ေနတတ္ၿပီး ေနာက္ကြယ္မွာ ျဖစ္ခ်င္တုိင္း ျဖစ္တတ္တဲ့သူေတြထဲမွာ သူလည္း တစ္ေယာက္အပါအဝင္ေပါ့။
တကၠသုိလ္ ပထမႏွစ္ကစၿပီး လူႀကီးတစ္ပုိင္းနဲ႕ အၿမဲတမ္းလုိလုိ မ်က္ေမွာင္ကုတ္ၿပီး ေနတတ္တဲ့က်ေနာ္နဲ႕ အၿမဲတမ္း ဟာမြန္းနီးထြက္တဲ့မ်က္ႏွာထားနဲ႕ သူနဲ႕အၾကားမွာ အၿမဲတမ္း အထစ္အေဟာ့ ႐ွိတတ္တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ လူမႈေရးအလုပ္ေတြအတြက္ ျငင္းခုန္ၾကတာ မ်ားပါတယ္။ (ပါစာနယ္ ကိစၥဆုိ က်ေနာ္လည္း မျငင္းခုန္တတ္လုိ႕ပါ) အၿမဲတမ္း စကားျပန္ေျပာၾကတယ္။
က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ အဲဒီတုန္းက တက္သစ္စ လူငယ္(၅)ေယာက္ ႐ွိတယ္။ ေက်ာင္း အတြင္းေရးမႉးသစ္ အတြက္ လူေ႐ြးဘုိ႕ သာမန္႐ုိးက် အလုပ္ေတြထဲမွာ မဆုံးျဖတ္ႏုိင္လုိ႕ ပ်ဥ္းမနားဘက္ကုိ ေလ့လာေရးခရီးအျဖစ္နဲ႕ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕(၅)ေယာက္ကုိ ေခၚသြားတယ္။ (အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက လူေ႐ြးဖုိ႕အတြက္ သြားၾကမွန္း က်ေနာ္ မသိခဲ့ဘူး။ ေနာက္ပုိင္းမွ သိတာ) အျပန္က်ေတာ့ အမ်ားအေပၚ အနစ္နာခံတတ္မႈ၊ ကုိယ္က်ဳိးအတြက္ ေ႐ွ႕တန္း မတင္တတ္မႈ၊ အမ်ားအား ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႏုိင္တဲ့အရည္အခ်င္းနဲ႕ ျပည့္စုံမႈတုိ႕ေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္ အေ႐ြးခံရတယ္။ (က်ေနာ့္အေနနဲ႕ ဒီရာထူးနဲ႕ ထုိက္တန္သူလုိ႕ တစ္ခါမွ မထင္ခဲ့ပါ။ အႏူေတာထဲက ကုိလူေခ်ာတစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႕ေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ ဝင္လုပ္ခဲ့ရတယ္ဆုိတာဘဲ ခံယူခဲ့တယ္။
အဲဒီေနာက္ပုိင္း သူနဲ႕ အလုပ္အတူလုပ္ဘုိ႕ က်ေနာ္ အမ်ားႀကီး ႀကဳိးစားခဲ့ရတယ္။ အမ်ားႀကီး ေပးဆပ္ခဲ့ရတယ္။ သူ႕ကုိ အၿမဲလုိလုိ အေလ်ာ့ေပးၿပီး ေပါင္းသင္းခဲ့ရတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူ႕စိတ္ထဲက မနာလုိတဲ့ စိတ္ဆႏၵကုိေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ ဖ်က္ဆီးလုိ႕ မရခဲ့ဘူး။
လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့(၂၀၀၆)တုန္းက သူနဲ႕ ျပန္ဆုံျဖစ္တယ္။ (သူ ေက်ာင္းၿပီးသြားတဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အတန္းတူေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္ ေက်ာင္းတစ္ႏွစ္ ေနာက္က်ခံလုိက္ရတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ ေက်ာင္းၿပီးေတာ့ ေတာတစ္ေနရာမွာ လုပ္အားေပး ေက်ာင္းဆရာတစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႕ ဝင္လုပ္ျဖစ္ေသးတယ္။ (၂၀၀၆)က်မွ အလုပ္ေျပာင္းရင္းနဲ႕ သူနဲ႕ ျပန္ဆုံျဖစ္တယ္။
အဲဒီအခ်ိန္တုန္းက ဒီနယ္စပ္ကုိ ေရာက္ေနတာ (၃)ႏွစ္နီးပါးေလာက္ ႐ွိၿပီ ဆုိေပမယ့္ အဂၤလိပ္စကား မေကာင္းေသးဘူးခင္ဗ်။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဘယ္ဝုိင္းမွာဘဲျဖစ္စ္ အဂၤလိပ္လုိ ၾကားညွပ္ၿပီး ေျပာရမွ ေက်နပ္တတ္သူအျဖစ္ သိပ္မၾကာခင္မွာဘဲ က်ေနာ္ သိလုိက္တယ္။ ဥပမာ။ ။ သူေျပာေနက်စကားထဲက “ဘယ္လုိေျပာရမလဲ။ Transferency လုိတယ္ကြ လူတုိင္းမွာ” အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ သူ႕ကုိ Transferency ကဘာလဲကြလုိ႕ ျပန္ေမးရင္ ဆရာႀကီးဂုိက္နဲ႕ ေသာက္တလြဲ ျပန္ေျဖေတာ့တာဘဲ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ဘယ္လုိဘဲျဖစ္စ္ က်ေနာ္ သီးခံၿပီး အရက္ဆုိင္ေတြမွာ အတူထုိင္ခဲ့ၾကတယ္။
သူ႕ေၾကာင့္ ႐ြာက ကာလသားအေယာက္(၄၀)ေလာက္ စု႐ုံးလာၿပီး က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ကုိ ခ်ဘုိ႕ လုပ္လာလုိ႕ လူစုခြဲခဲ့ရဖူးတယ္။
သူ႕ေၾကာင့္ အသစ္ဝယ္လာတဲ့ တစ္ေခ်ာင္းတည္းေသာ ဆုိင္ကယ္ေသာ့လည္း တံတားအျမင့္ႀကီးေပၚကေန ျပဳတ္က်သြားလုိ႕ ႏွစ္ပတ္ေလာက္ ဒုကၡေရာက္ခဲ့ဖူးတယ္။
ညသန္းေခါင္ယံ (၁၂)နာရီေက်ာ္ သုံးေလးေနရာေလာက္ ေသာက္လာၿပီးမွ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ လာ႐ွာၿပီး က်ေနာ့္တုိ႕႐ုံးမွာ ေသာက္ၾကလုိ႕ သူ႕စကားသံေၾကာင့္ အိမ္နီးခ်င္းေတြ ဆဲတဲ့ဒဏ္လည္း က်ေနာ္ ခံခဲ့ရဖူးတယ္။
……………။
……………။
ဒါေပမဲ့ ဒီအခ်က္အလက္အမ်ားစုကုိ မနက္မုိးလင္းရင္ သူ မမွတ္မိတတ္ဘူး။ (က်ေနာ့္ဆုိင္ကယ္ေသာ့ က်သြားတာကုိ သူ႕ကုိ ျပန္ေျပာတာ မမွတ္မိဘူးတဲ့။ အဲဒီအခါမွ အျခားသူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြလည္း ေျပာေတာ့မွ ငါ အမူးလြန္သြားတယ္ကြာ။ မမွတ္မိဘူး။ အဲဒီေလာက္ဘဲ ထြက္လာတယ္။
ဒီ (၂၀၀၈)ကုန္ပုိင္းမွာ က်ေနာ္ အလုပ္ေျပာင္းလုိက္မလုိ႕ လုပ္ေတာ့ အလုပ္အသစ္အတြက္ ခဏ ေစာင့္ေနရတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ေဒသက အာဏာအႀကီးဆုံး႐ွိတဲ့ အဖြဲ႕တစ္ဖြဲ႕ရဲ႕ ႐ုံးမွာ ေနေနခုိက္ သူ႕ကုိယ္သူ ႐ုံးတာဝန္ခံလုိလုိ၊ အထက္ကလူႀကီးေတြရဲ႕တုိက္႐ုိက္ဆက္သြယ္လုိ႕ရတဲ့အထူးအခြင့္အေရး ရထားတဲ့ ႐ုံးသားကုိ ထုိးလုိက္မိလုိ႕ က်ေနာ္ ေနရာထပ္ေျပာင္းရတယ္။ (အမွန္တကယ္က က်ေနာ္ အရင္ထုိးဘုိ႕ မဟုတ္ဘူး။ သူက မူးနဲ႕ အ႐ွိန္နဲ႕ က်ေနာ့္ဆီ ေျပးဝင္လာလုိ႕ သူအ႐ွိန္နဲ႕သူ ခံရတာပါ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ႏွာေခါင္းေသြးယုိလုိက္တာမွ အကၤ်ီတစ္ထည္လုံး နီသြားလုိ႕ က်ေနာ္ အျပစ္ပုိႀကီးသြားတာပါ။ တကယ္လုိ႕ က်ေနာ္လည္း တစ္ေနရာမွာ ထိခဲ့ရင္ ဘယ္သူအလြန္ဆုိတာ ေျပာဘုိ႕ ခက္လိမ့္မယ္။) အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ လူႀကီးေတြရဲ႕ စီစဥ္ေပးမႈအရ က်ေနာ္ ေျပာျပေနတဲ့သူငယ္ခ်င္း ရဲ႕ ႐ုံးဆီမွာ ခတၲ ခုိလႈံေနရျပန္တယ္။
အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ က်ေနာ္က အလုပ္မ႐ွိတဲ့ေကာင္ ဆုိတဲ့သူ႕အၾကည့္ကုိ စၿပီး ခံလုိက္ရတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ ဒီလုိ ျဖစ္ေနတာကုိ သူ ေပ်ာ္ေနပါလား ဆုိတာ တစ္ပတ္ေလာက္ ၾကာမွ ရိမ္မိခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ ဌာေနဘာသာနဲ႕ ျမန္မာဘာသာနဲ႕ ထုတ္ေဝတဲ့လစဥ္ သတင္းစာတစ္ေစာင္ ထုတ္တဲ့သူငယ္ခ်င္း အယ္ဒီတာကုိ ကူညီဘုိ႕နဲ႕ အရက္ဆုိင္သြားဖုိ႕ ညေနတုိင္း အျပင္ထြက္ျဖစ္တယ္။ (အခု က်ေနာ့္ကုိ ထားတဲ့ေနရာက ကြန္ပ်ဴတာ၊ အင္တာနက္ မ႐ွိဘူးဗ်။ ဒါေၾကာင့္လည္း သိပ္မေဝးတဲ့ အယ္ဒီတာ သူငယ္ခ်င္းရဲ႕ ႐ုံးမွာ ညပုိင္း ကြန္ပ်ဳတာ၊ အင္တာနက္ကုိ (မုိးလင္းတဲ့အထိ) ကုိင္ၿပီး မနက္ မုန္႕ဟင္းခါး စားၿပီးတာနဲ႕ တစ္ေနကုန္ အိပ္ေတာ့တာဘဲ။
အဲဒီမွာ သူနဲ႕ စၿပီး ျပႆနာျဖစ္ေတာ့တာဘဲ။ တစ္ခါတစ္ေလ ညပုိင္း က်ေနာ္ တိတ္တဆိတ္ ျပန္လာတတ္တယ္။ ဒါနဲ႕ ညပုိင္း ျပန္လာေနတယ္ဆုိတာ အျပင္အေဆာင္က မိန္းကေလးေတြက ႐ုံးလူႀကီးေတြကုိ တုိင္ေျပာထားတယ္။ အိပ္ပုိင္း အသံၾကားေနတာကုိ ေဘးအိမ္ကလူေတြ သြားတုိင္ထားတယ္ ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ အၾကပ္ကုိင္တယ္။ အမွန္တကယ္က က်ေနာ္ သူ႕ေနရာမွာ တစ္ခါမွ မေသာင္းက်န္းဖူးပါ။ အရက္ေတြ၊ ဘီယာေတြ ဝယ္ဘုိ႕ ပုိက္ဆံေပးၿပီး က်ေနာ့္ကုိ သြင္းခုိင္းတာလဲ သူပါဘဲ။ သူ႕အက်င့္က နည္းည္း အ႐ွိန္ရလာရင္ ရပ္လုိ႕ မရတတ္ဘူး ဆုိတာ သူငယ္ခ်င္းတုိင္း သိတယ္။ အဲဒီလုိ ျဖစ္လာရင္ ကုတင္ေအာက္က ႂကြဝင္ေနတယ္ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ တုတ္႐ွာ၊ ဓါးရွာၿပီး ညပုိင္း ဆူဆူညံညံ လုပ္တာလဲ သူပါ။ သူတုိ႕႐ုံးက ဆုိင္ကယ္ ေနာက္မွန္ ထြက္သြားရတာလဲ တရားခံက သူပါ။ သူငယ္ခ်င္းတုိင္း သိပါတယ္။ ဒီလုိနဲ႕ တစ္ညမွာ သူ႕ဆုိင္ကယ္ ယူသြားမိလုိ႕ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ စိတ္ဆုိးတာကုိ တုိက္႐ုိက္ မေျပာဘဲ က်ေနာ္ ေရာက္လာေတာ့ “မင္း ဒီလုိ ေနလုိ႕ မရေတာ့ဘူး။ ပစၥည္းသိမ္းေတာ့၊ ဘာညာ” ဆုိၿပီး ထပ္ခါထပ္ခါ ရန္႐ွာေတာ့တာဘဲ။ က်ေနာ္လည္း ျပန္ေျပာပါတယ္။ “မင္းတုိ႕႐ုံးက ဆုိင္ကယ္ကုိ သုံးမိလုိ႕ စိတ္ဆုိးတာလား၊ ဒါဆုိ မသုံးေတာ့ဘူး”ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ေနာက္ဆုံး က်ေနာ္ ေျပာထြက္သြားတာက “ဒီဆုိင္ကယ္က မင္းကုိယ္ပုိင္ဘီး မဟုတ္ဘူးကြ။ ႐ုံးက ဆုိင္ကယ္။ မနက္က မင္းတုိ႕ရဲ႕ ဟုိဘက္႐ုံးက ဆုိင္ကယ္ လုိေနတာ မင္း ဘာလုိ႕ ယူမသြားေပးတာလဲ”ဆုိတာလည္း ထြက္သြားေရာ “ဒါက မင္းနဲ႕ ဘာဆုိင္လဲ၊ ဒါ ငါ့ကိစၥကြ၊ မင္းေျပာစရာမလုိဘူး”ဆုိၿပီး စေတာ့တာဘဲ။ သူလည္း သူ႕႐ုံးက ဆုိင္ကယ္တစ္စီးက တစ္ေယာက္တည္း အပုိင္ယူထားတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ႐ုံးကလူေတြက မေျပာခ်င္လုိ႕ မေျပာၾကတာပါ။ သူတုိ႕ရဲ႕ ဟုိဘက္႐ုံးက ဆုိင္ကယ္အစုတ္တစ္စီးကုိဘဲ အားကုိးေနရတယ္။ အခု က်ေနာ္ ယူသြားတဲ့ဆုိင္ကယ္က သူ႕ကုိယ္ပုိင္ဆုိင္ကယ္ထက္ေတာင္ သူယူဆထားတာ။ ဒါနဲ႕ စကားသံက်ယ္တဲ့သူကလည္း သူပါဘဲ။ ဒါနဲ႕ သူ႕ရဲ႕လူႀကီးတစ္ေယာက္ဆီ ဖုန္းဆီလုိက္ေရာ။ “ဒီမွာ ကုိ……….. မူးၿပီး ေသာင္းက်န္းေနတယ္။ အိပ္လုိ႕မရဘူး။”ေလ့ ငုိသံေလးနဲ႕ တုိင္လုိက္ေရာ။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ က်ေနာ္ (ကုိယ္ပုိင္ဝယ္လာတဲ့)ထမင္း စားေနတုန္းေပါ့။ “ေဟ့ ေဟ့ ငါ ေသာင္းက်န္ေနတာ မဟုတ္ဘူးကြ။ မင္းဘာသာ လာရန္႐ွာတာ”ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ ေျပာလုိက္တယ္။ အံ့ၾသစရာက အဲဒီေကာင္က က်ေနာ့္ကုိ အကုိ ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ တစ္ခါမွ ေခၚခဲ့ဖူးတာ က်ေနာ္ မၾကားမိဘူး။ အသက္အ႐ြယ္ကလည္း အတူတူေတြဘဲေလ။ ဒါနဲ႕ သူ မအိပ္ရဲရင္လည္း ဟုိဘက္႐ုံးမွာ သြားအိပ္ေနပါ ဆုိတဲ့အဓိပၸါယ္မ်ဳိးနဲ႕ ဖုန္းခ်ၿပီး ေသာ့ပိတ္၊ ဆုိင္ကယ္စီးၿပီး ထြက္သြားပါေလေရာ။ ေၾသာ္ ထြက္မသြားခင္ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ ေျပာလုိက္ေသးတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ “မနက္ျဖန္ ႐ုံးမွာ သြား႐ွင္းေတာ့ သိတယ္ မဟုတ္လား”ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့ေလ။
သူ ေျပာတဲ့အတုိင္းပါဘဲ။ ေနာက္ေန႕ ႐ုံးမွာ သြား႐ွင္းလုိက္ရတယ္။ သူ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ သြားတုိင္ထားတာ အမႈ(၉)မႈေတာင္ဗ်။ ဆုိင္ကယ္ေ႐ွ႕မွန္ ထြက္သြားတာတုိ႕၊ ညအခ်ိန္ သူ မူးရင္ ႂကြထ႐ုိက္ၿပီး ေသာင္းက်န္းတာလဲ က်ေနာ္ပါတဲ့။ အံ့ေရာ။ က်ေနာ္ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ တကယ့္ေဒါသ ထြက္လာတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္ ေျဖာင့္ခ်က္ မေပးဘူး။ ဒါေတြအားလုံးဟာ သူ႕ေၾကာင့္ပါ။ သူ လုပ္တာပါ ဆုိၿပီးေတာ့လည္း က်ေနာ္ ေျပာလုိ႕မထြက္ဘူး။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ သူ႕ရဲ႕မနာလုိ၊ ဝန္တုိတတ္တဲ့စိတ္ကုိ က်ေနာ္ သိေနတာ ၾကာခဲ့ပါၿပီ။
ခြင့္လႊတ္ခဲ့ေပါင္းလည္း မ်ားခဲ့ပါၿပီး။ ဒါနဲ႕ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ အဲဒီမွာ ဆက္ထားေရး၊ မထားေရး အထိ လူႀကီးေတြ ေခါင္းကုိက္ခံလုိက္ရတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ ၾကည့္လုိ႕မရတဲ့လူႀကီးေတာ့ ႐ွိတယ္။ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းႀကီးႀကီးထဲက ႐ုံးသားတစ္ဦးကုိလည္း က်ေနာ္ ထုိးခဲ့ဖူးတယ္ ဆုိတာ ႐ွိခဲ့တာကုိး။ ရာဇဝင္႐ွိခဲ့ဖူးတာေပါ့။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူတုိ႕ေတြ မဆုံးျဖတ္ရဲခဲ့ဘူး။ ဆက္ထားေရး၊ မထားေရးက သူနဲ႕ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ႏွစ္ေယာက္ရဲ႕အေပၚမွာသာ မူတည္တယ္ဆုိၿပီး က်ေနာ့္ကုိ ၫွိခုိင္းလုိက္တယ္။ ဒါနဲ႕ ထမင္းစားၿပီးသြားေတာ့ သူ႕ဆီ က်ေနာ္ စကားသြားေျပာတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္မ်က္ႏွာကုိေတာ့ သူ မၾကည့္ရဲဘူး။ က်ေနာ္ ဘာေျပာလဲဆုိေတာ့ “မင္းဘဝ အခုေလာေလာဆယ္က မင္းလက္ထဲမွာ ႐ွိပါတယ္။ မင္းႀကဳိက္သလုိ လုပ္လုိ႕ရပါတယ္။ ငါ့ဘက္ကေတာ့ မင္းဟာ ငါ့သူငယ္ခ်င္းတစ္ေယာက္အေနနဲ႕ဘဲ ျမင္ပါတယ္”လုိ႕ ေျပာလုိက္တယ္။ အဲဒီေကာင္ရဲ႕မ်က္ႏွာ ငုိမဲ့မဲ့ အထိ ျဖစ္ခဲ့တယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္ဆုိတာေတာ့ က်ေနာ္ မသိဘူး။ “ဟုိဘက္႐ုံးကုိဘဲ ျပန္သြားပါ။ ငါ ႐ွင္းလုိက္မယ္”လုိ႕ သူ ေျပာလုိ႕ က်ေနာ္ ျပန္လာခဲ့တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ့္ပစၥည္းေတြကုိေတာ့ ထုတ္ပုိးသိမ္းဆည္းထားၿပီးသား။
ညေန သူေရာက္လာေတာ့ ဘာထူးလဲလုိ႕ က်ေနာ္ ေမးလုိက္တယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ မ်က္ႏွာခ်င္း မဆုိင္ရဲေတာ့ဘူး။ က်ေနာ္လည္း အဲဒီမွာ ဆက္ေနခ်င္စိတ္ ကုန္သြားတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ ႐ုံးအထက္လူႀကီးေတြဆီ ေရာက္သြားတဲ့သတင္းက သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြၾကားၾကေတာ့ အားလုံး ခံျပင္းေနၾကတယ္။ အဲဒီေကာင္နဲ႕ ႐ွင္းခ်င္ၾကတယ္။ ဘာေၾကာင့္လဲဆုိေတာ့ သူ႕ရဲ႕စိတ္နဲ႕ အက်င့္စ႐ိုက္ကုိ ေပါင္းဖူးတဲ့သူငယ္ခ်င္းတုိင္းက သိေနၾကလုိ႕ဘဲ ျဖစ္တယ္။ က်ေနာ္ မလြန္ပါ။ သူ႕ကုိယ္ပုိင္ ဆုိင္ကယ္အျဖစ္ ယူဆထားတဲ့ဆုိင္ကယ္ ယူသြားမိလုိ႕ ႐ုံးလူႀကီးေတြအထိ ေရာက္ခဲ့ရတယ္ဆုိတာကုိလည္း လူတုိင္းက သိေနၾကလုိ႕ဘဲ။
ဒါနဲ႕ က်ေနာ္ အိမ္တစ္အိမ္ ငွားလုိက္တယ္။ ပစၥည္းေတြေတာ့ မေျပာင္းေ႐ြ႕ရေသးဘူး။
႐ုံးေရာက္ၾကၿပီးေနာက္ပုိင္းမွာ သူ ဘာထပ္လုပ္ေသးလဲဆုိေတာ့ ေန႕ပုိင္းအခ်ိန္က်ရင္ သူ ဟုိဘက္ကမ္းက ႐ုံးမွာ သြားရတဲ့အခ်ိန္ဆုိရင္ အိမ္သာေသာ့ကုိ ခတ္သြားတယ္။ က်ေနာ္ကလည္း မ်က္ႏွာခ်င္း မဆုိင္မိေအာင္ အဲဒီ႐ုံးမွာ မအိပ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ ခက္တာက အိမ္သာေသာ့ ပိတ္သြားလုိက္တယ္ ဆုိကတည္းက က်ေနာ့္ကုိ သူ မေနေစလုိ႕ေတာ့ေၾကာင္း အခ်က္ျပၿပီးသား ဆုိေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္လည္း ငွားထားတဲ့ အိမ္မွာဘဲ အဝတ္အစားမ႐ွိ၊ ဘာမ႐ွိနဲ႕ ေနခဲ့ရတယ္။ သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြ ေကာင္းလုိ႕သာ အိမ္ငွားတာတုိ႕၊ စားေရးေသာက္ေရးတုိ႕ က်ေနာ္ အဆင္ေျပခဲ့တာပါ။
ဒါနဲ႕ အဲဒီသူငယ္ခ်င္းဆုိသူကုိ ေတြ႕ရင္ တတ္ႏုိင္သေလာက္ အဆင္ေျပေအာင္ က်ေနာ္ ႀကဳိးစားၿပီး ဆက္ဆံပါတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ္ က်ေနာ့္ အရက္ဝုိင္းကုိေတာ့ တစ္ခါမွ မဖိတ္ေတာ့ဘူး။ သူ႕သြားတဲ့ဝုိင္းေတြ၊ သူ႕႐ွိတဲ့ဝုိင္းေတြဆုိလည္း က်ေနာ္ ေ႐ွာင္ပါတယ္။ ေနာက္ပုိင္း (လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့အပတ္ေတြထဲကမွ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ မဖိတ္ေခၚဘဲ က်ေနာ့္တုိ႕ေသာက္ေနက် ဝုိင္းဆီက တစ္ေယာက္ထဲ ေရာက္လာခဲ့တယ္။ အဲဒီတုန္းက က်ေနာ္ အဆင္ေျပသလုိ စကားေျပာခဲ့ေသာ္လည္း အျခားသူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြက သူ႕ကုိ ေ႐ွာင္လုိၾကတယ္။ သူ႕နဲ႕ မေသာက္ခ်င္ဘူး။ ကုိယ္တုိက္တဲ့အရက္ကုိ သူ႕ေသာက္ၿပီး ကုိယ့္မေကာင္းေၾကာင္းကုိ လူႀကီးေတြဆီ သြားဇာတ္လမ္းဆင္မွာ ေၾကာက္ၾကလုိ႕သာ မေသာက္ခ်င္ၾကတာပါ။ သူ႐ွိေနရင္ အားလုံးက တိတ္ဆိတ္ေနတယ္။ စကားေျပာတာ ဆင္ျခင္ေနၾကရတယ္။ ေလွ်ာက္ေျပာေနလုိ႕လဲ မရဘူးေလ။ ေနာက္ကြယ္က်ရင္ လူႀကီးေတြကုိ သူေတာင္ေကာင္း လုပ္လုိက္ရင္ အစားခံရဦးမွာ ဆုိေတာ့ေလ။ ဒါနဲ႕ လြန္ခဲ့တဲ့အပတ္ကမွ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ဝုိင္းဆီ သူထပ္ေရာက္လာတယ္။ ဒါေပမယ့္ က်ေနာ့္သူငယ္ခ်င္း အယ္ဒီတာႀကီးက သူ႕နဲ႕ ဆက္မေသာက္ခ်င္လုိ႕ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ အေၾကာင္းျပၿပီး ေ႐ွာင္ထြက္လုိက္တယ္။ အခု က်ေနာ္လည္း အေျခက်ေနၿပီေလ။ ႐ုံးအလုပ္အျပင္ လူမႈေရးအလုပ္ေတြ၊ အျခားအလုပ္ေတြကုိပါ က်ေနာ္ ျပန္စလာႏုိင္ၿပီ။ အဲဒီသူငယ္ခ်င္းဆီ တစ္ခါမွ မေရာက္ျဖစ္ဘူး။ သူ ႐ွိတဲ့႐ုံးကုိ သြားရင္ေတာင္ အျခားသူေတြနဲ႕ သြားေတြ႕ဘုိ႕ အေၾကာင္းဖန္လာလုိ႕သာ သြားတာပါ။
ဒါနဲ႕ ညက (၁၁)နာရီခြဲေလာက္မွာ မေမွ်ာ္လင့္ဘဲ သူဖုန္းေခၚလာတယ္။ က်ေနာ့္ဆီလာၿပီး ေသာက္ဘုိ႕ပါ။ ဒါေပမယ့္ စကားေျပာရတာက က်ေနာ္နဲ႕ မဟုတ္ဘူးခင္ဗ်။ သူငယ္ခ်င္း အယ္ဒီတာႀကီးက လာခဲ့ဘုိ႕ ဖိတ္လုိက္တယ္။ က်ေနာ့္တုိ႕ငွားထားတဲ့အိမ္မွာ ေသာက္ဘုိ႕ေပါ့။ တစ္မိနစ္ေတာင္ မၾကာဘူး သူ ေရာက္လာတယ္။ (အမွန္တကယ္က သူ ဖုန္းဆက္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ အိမ္အျပင္က လမ္းမမွာဘဲ ႐ွိေနတာကုိး) ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ္ကေတာ့ သူ႕ကုိ လက္ခံဘုိ႕ လုံးဝ သေဘာမတူဘူး။ ဒါေပမဲ့ ေနာက္က်သြားၿပီ။၊ သူ ေရာက္လာေတာ့ မူးေနၿပီးသားနဲ႕ အရက္တစ္ပုိင္း ပါလာေသးတယ္ခင္ဗ်။ သူငယ္ခ်င္းအသစ္တစ္ေယာက္လည္း ပါလာတယ္။ အဲဒီမွာ သူ႕ကုိ က်ေနာ့္သူငယ္ခ်င္းအားလုံးက ၾကည့္လုိ႕မရဘူးဆုိတာ သူလည္း သိလုိက္တယ္။ ဥပမာ။ ။ သူ႕ကုိ “သုံးမရတဲ့သူ”လုိ႕ အဓိပၸါယ္ ထြက္ေစတဲ့ နာမည္ေတြ ေျပာင္ ေခၚသုံးတယ္။ ၿပီးေတာ့ မူးေနတာက သူ႕တစ္ေယာက္တည္း မဟုတ္ဘူး ခင္ဗ်။ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕တစ္စုလည္း ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္း ပြဲေတာ္မွာ ပစၥည္းေတြ သုံးၿပီး ပြဲေတာ္ ၿပီးစီးေၾကာင္း ဝုိင္းဖြဲ႕ေနတာ ညေန (၁)နာရီခြဲကတည္းကပါ။ သူ မူးတာထက္ ကုိယ့္သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြက ပုိမူးေနတာလုိ ေျပာရမလားဘဲ။ သူ႕ကုိ ရစ္လုိက္၊ သူကလည္း ျပန္ရစ္လုိက္နဲ႕ (၁၂)နာရီေတာင္ ထုိးေတာ့မယ္။ အရက္ကလည္း ကုန္ေနၿပီဆုိေတာ့ ထမင္းတစ္ပန္းကန္ ယူလာၿပီး ဝုိင္းအနားမွာ ကုလားထုိင္တစ္လုံးေပၚ ထုိင္ၿပီး စားေနတယ္။ အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွာ နာရီထပ္ၾကည့္ခ်င္လုိ႕ သူငယ္ခ်င္းအယ္ဒီတာႀကီးကုိ ဖုန္းခဏ ကမ္းေပးဘုိ႕ အကူအညီေတာင္းလုိက္တာ မွားပါေလေရာ။
က်ေနာ္ ဖုန္းေတာင္းတာကုိ သူငယ္ခ်င္း အယ္ဒီတာႀကီးက “ဘာလုပ္ဘုိ႕လဲ။ ဟုိလူႀကီး ……….. ဆီ ဖုန္းဆက္ဘုိ႕လား”ဟု အမွတ္မထင္ ေမးလုိက္ရာ က်ေနာ္ကလည္း “ဆက္သင့္ရင္ ဆက္ရမွာေပါ့။ အခ်ိန္လည္း ေနာက္က်ေနၿပီဘဲ”ဟု ဆုိၿပီး ဟန္ခ်က္က ဘယ္လုိကေန ဘယ္လုိညီသြားမွန္း မသိဘဲ ေျပာထြက္သြားေတာ့ သူ ေနလုိ႕ မရေတာ့ဘူး။ သူ႕ကုိ ေျပာမွန္း သိတယ္ ဆုိၿပီး ထလုိက္ၿပီး သူငယ္ခ်င္းအသစ္ကုိ ေခၚၿပီး ထြက္သြားတယ္။ က်ေနာ္လည္း ထမင္းပန္းကန္ သြားေဆးဘုိ႕ ေနာက္ေဖးဘက္ကုိ ထြက္သြားတယ္။ ျပႆနာက မၿပီးေသးဘဲ က်ေနာ့္သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြကလည္း သူ႕ေနာက္လုိက္သြားၾကေတာ့ သူ ဘာေျပာလဲဆုိေတာ့ “ဒီမွာ ထပ္ေနခ်င္ေသးလဲ”တဲ့ ဆုိင္ကယ္ေပၚကေန။ ကုိအယ္ႀကီးက အဲဒီအခ်ိန္မွ ေဒါထသြားၿပီး ဘာေျပာလဲ ျပန္ေမးလုိက္ေသးတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူထပ္မေျပာေတာ့ပါ။ အျခားသူငယ္ခ်င္းတစ္ေယာက္ ေျပာတာက သူ ထပ္ဝင္လာေသးတယ္တဲ့။ က်ေနာ္နဲ႕ ႐ွင္းဘုိ႕အတြက္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ ေတြ႕ခြင့္ မေပးဘူး။ အထဲကုိ မေပးဝင္ၾကလုိ႕ ဆုိင္ကယ္ေပၚေရာက္မွ အဲဒီလုိ ေျပာသြားတာတဲ့။ ရီေတာ့ ရီရတယ္ဗ်။ အခုဆုိ လူႀကီးပုိင္းေတြ ေရာက္ေနၾကၿပီး ကေလးစိတ္ေတြက က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ဆီမွာ ႐ွိေနၾကေသးတယ္ဆုိတာ ျပလုိက္တာပါဘဲ။ ညက သူ႕႐ုံးျပန္သြားေတာ့ က်ေနာ့္သူငယ္ခ်င္းေတြဆီ သူ ဖုန္းဆက္ေသးတယ္။ သူ႕အေပၚ ေဗြမယူၾကဘုိ႕ ဆုိတဲ့အေၾကာင္းေတြပါ။
အခ်ဳပ္အေနနဲ႕ က်ေနာ္ သူ႕အေပၚ အဖုအထစ္က်န္ေသးတယ္ဆုိတာ က်ေနာ္တုိ႕ တုိက္႐ုိက္မေျပာဘဲနဲ႕လည္း သူ သိခြင့္ရလုိက္တယ္။ အခုအခ်ိန္မွာမွေပါ့။ ညအခ်ိန္ႀကီးမွာ သူမ်ား႐ုံး၊ သူမ်ားအိမ္မွာ သြားေသာက္၊ သြားေသာင္းက်န္းၿပီး ျပန္လာတတ္တဲ့သူက ညက သင္ခန္းစာ အျဖစ္ က်ေနာ္ ေပးလုိက္မွန္း ဝန္ခံပါရေစ။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူ႕စိတ္က သူ႕အလွည့္အတြက္ ထပ္ေစာင့္ေနမွာ မလြဲပါဘူး။ က်ေနာ္လည္း ညက က်ေနာ္ေျပာလုိက္တာ မွားတယ္လုိ႕ မထင္ပါ။ သူ႕႐ုံးမွာ က်ေနာ္ ကပ္ေနခဲ့ရတုန္းက ည(၉)နာရီေက်ာ္ရင္ ျပန္လုိ႕ မရေတာ့ဘူး၊ ျပန္မလာပါနဲ႕ေတာ့လုိ႕ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ ေျပာခဲ့ဖူးတယ္။ ဒါေပမဲ့ သူကုိယ္တုိင္က်ေတာ့ ညတုိင္း ေနာက္က်လည္း ဘာမွမျဖစ္ဘူး။ ဘာလုိ႕လဲဆုိေတာ့ သူ႕မေကာင္းေၾကာင္း သြားတုိင္ၾကဘုိ႕အထိ ဘယ္သူမွ မလုပ္ခ်င္ၾကဘူး။ ဒါကုိ သူ႕မသိဘူး။ သူ တစ္ခါမွ မမွားဖူးေသးတာကုိဘဲ ေသြးနားထင္ေရာက္ေနတဲ့သူအတြက္ ညက လုပ္ရပ္က ေနာင္တရေစေပမယ့္ မရခဲ့လုိ႕ က်ေနာ့္ကုိ ရန္သူအျဖစ္ မွတ္ရင္ေတာင္ က်ေနာ္ ဂ႐ုစုိက္ မအားပါ။ က်ေနာ္ လူႀကီးျဖစ္ၿပီ။ လူႀကီးဆန္န္ ေနပါတယ္။ လူႀကီးေပမယ့္ အထက္ကုိ ပဲ့၊ ေအာက္သားက ဖိတဲ့သူေတြကုိေတာ့ ၾကည့္လုိ႕ မရပါ။ တစ္ေလွထဲစီး၊ တစ္ခရီးတည္း သြားၾကတဲ့ေနရာမွာ စိတ္ေကာင္း ႐ွိသူေတြသာ လုိအပ္ပါတယ္။ ေကာက္က်စ္စိတ္႐ွိသူေတြကုိ ဖယ္႐ွား (သန္႕႐ွင္းေရးလုပ္)ႏုိင္မွ လုိရာပန္းတုိင္းက လုိခ်င္တဲ့အခ်ိန္မွာ ေရာက္ႏုိင္မွာပါ။ ဒီခရီး မေဝးခ်င္ေတာ့လုိ႕ ဒီလုိ အေပၚဖား၊ ေအာက္ဖိ တဲ့လူေတြ က်ေနာ့္တုိ႕အသုိင္းအဝုိင္းမွာ မ႐ွိေစခ်င္ေတာ့ပါ။
တက္ေနဆည္းဆာ
၀၆ စက္တင္ဘာ ၂၀၀၉
(၁၅:၅၀)နာရီ
ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္တစ္ေနရာ
Who are Mon people
0 comments
The Mon (Mon language: မန္ or မည; Burmese: မြန္လူမ်ဳိး; IPA: [mùn lùmjóʊ]; Thai: มอญ) are an ethnic group from Myanmar, living mostly in Mon State, Bago Division, Irrawaddy Delta of present Burma, and along the southern Thai-Myanmar border. One of the earliest peoples to reside in Southeast Asia, the Mon were responsible for the spread of Theravada Buddhism in the present day Burma and Thailand. In Myanmar, the Mon culture is credited as a major source of influence on the dominant Burmese culture.
As the eastern Mon were absorbed into the Thai/Siamese society long ago, the western Mon of Myanmar face the same pressure to assimilate. In Myanmar, the Mon are fighting for the retention of the Mon language and culture, and political autonomy. Once the predominant ethno-linguistic group in Lower Burma, the Mon language speakers number less than a million today, and those of Mon descent number anywhere between two million and eight million. The majority of Mon speak and are literate only in the Burmese language, and are often counted as the majority Bamar.
Early history
The Mon were one of the earliest distinct groups to settle in what is now Lower Burma, as early as 1500 BC or possibly earlier. The Mon are primarily associated with the historical kingdoms of Honsawati, Dvaravati and Hariphunchai. Up until the 14th century, outposts of Mon culture continued to spread very far east, including modern Thailand and Isan plateau cities such as Lampang and Khon Kaen. As late as the 14th and 15th centuries, it is believed that the Mon were the ethnic majority in this vast region, but also intermarried freely with Khmer and Tai-Kadai populations. Archaeological remains of Mon settlements have been found south of Vientiane, and may also have extended further to the north-west in the Haribhunjai era.
The Mon converted to Theravada Buddhism at a very early point in their history. Unlike other ethnic groups in the region, they seem to have adopted Theravada orthodoxy before coming into contact with Mahayana tendencies, and it is generally believed that the Mon provided the link of transmission whereby both the Thais and Cambodians converted from Hinduism and Mahayana Buddhism to Theravada Buddhism (increasingly from the 1200s). Although the precise date cannot be fixed, it seems that the Mon have been practicing Theravada Buddhism continuously for a longer period than any other extant religious community on earth, except for Sri Lanka, as the lineage was destroyed in India.
Like the Burmese and the Thais, some modern Mons have tried to identify their ethnicity with the semi-historical kingdom of Suwarnabhumi. Today, this claim is contested by many different ethnicities in South-East Asia, and contradicted by scholars. Historical scholarship indicates that the early usage of the term (as found in the edicts of Ashoka) indicated a location in Southern India, and not in South-East Asia. However, from the time of the first translations of the Ashokan inscriptions in the 19th century, both the Burmese and the Thais have made concentrated efforts to identify place-names found in the edicts with their own territory or culture. Sometimes these claims have also relied upon the creative interpretation of place-names found in Chinese historical sources.
A Mon dynasty ruled Lower Burma after the fall of the Pagan dynasty from 1287 to 1539 with a brief revival during 1550–53. At first, Martaban was the capital of this kingdom and then Pegu. The Mon king Rajadhirat, who waged war with the northern Burman kingdom of Ava during the whole duration of his reign, unified and consolidated the Mon kingdom's domains in Lower Burma.
The most famous Mon monarchs during this period were Queen Baña Thau (Burmese: Shin Sawbu; reigned 1453–1472) followed by Dhammazedi (reigned 1472–92). Queen Baña Thau personally chose Dhammazedi to succeed her. Dhammazedi had been a monk before he became king of Pegu. Under Dhammazedi, Pegu became a centre of commerce and Theravadan Buddhism. These two devout Buddhist monarchs initiated a long period of peace in Lower Burma.
The 61st Anniversary Mon National Day in London
Many foreign traders were attracted to the capital, which became well-known to the outside world as a center of commerce. As such, it is mentioned by the Russian merchant, Nitikin, who traveled in the East about 1470. Its fifteenth century rulers were, like those of old Pagan, chiefly interested in the development of religion. Missions were sent to Ceylon and on their return stimulated an important religious revival, which affected the whole of Burma. Its center was the Kalyani thein near Pegu, so named because its original monks had been ordained on the banks of the Kalyani river in Ceylon. Kalyani ordination became the standard form for the whole country. The story of the reforms is told in the Kalyani inscriptions erected by King Dammazedi (1472-92).
Dammazedi was the greatest of the rulers of Wareru’s line. His reign was a time of peace and he himself was a mild ruler, famous for his wisdom. A collection of his rulings, the Dammazedi pyatton, is still extant. He maintained friendly intercourse with Yunnan and revived the practice of sending missions to Buddhagaya. He was a Buddhist ruler of the best type, deeply solicitous for the purification of religion. Under him, civilization flourished, and the condition of the Mon country stands out in sharp contrast with the disorder and savagery which characterized the Ava kingdom. When he died he was honoured as a saint and a pagoda was erected over his bones.
The Mon kingdom possessed two great pagodas of especial sanctity, the Shwemawdaw at Pegu and the Shwedagon at the small stockaded fishing-town of Dagon, now Yangon.[1]
The last Mon kingdom was Hongsavatoi—they re-conquered much of their lost territory until King Alaungpaya forced them back and captured the kingdom by 1757, massacring a considerable part of the population. The Mon religious leaders were forced to flee to Siam and the Mon have been harshly repressed from the 1750s to the present day.
[edit] Colonial
Burma was conquered by the British in a series of wars. After the Second Anglo-Burmese War, the Mon territories were completely under the control of the British. The Mon aided the British to free themselves from the rule of the Burman monarchy. Under Burman rule, the Mon people had been massacred after they lost their kingdom and many sought asylum in the Thai Kingdom. The British conquest of Burma allowed the Mon people to survive in Southern Burma.
[edit] After Burmese independence
The Mon soon became anti-colonialists and following the grant of independence to Burma in 1948 they sought self-determination, U Nu refused them this and they rose in revolt to be crushed again.
They have remained a repressed and defiant group in the country since then. They have risen in revolt against the central Burmese government on a number of occasions, initially under the Mon People's Front and from 1962 through the New Mon State Party. A partially autonomous Mon state, Monland, was created in 1974 covering Tenasserim, Pegu and Ayeyarwady River. Resistance continued until 1995 when NMSP and SLORC agreed a cease-fire and, in 1996, the Mon Unity League was founded.
In 1947, Mon National Day was created to celebrate the ancient founding of Hanthawady, the last Mon Kingdom, which had its seat in Pegu. (It follows the full moon on the 11th month of the Mon lunar calendar, except in Phrapadaeng, Thailand, where it is celebrated at Songkran.)
The largest Mon refugee communities are currently in Thailand, with smaller communities in the United States, Australia, Canada, Norway, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and the Netherlands.
[edit] Language and script
See also: Mon language
The Mon language is part of the Monic group of the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austro-Asiatic family, closely related to the Nyah Kur language and more distantly related to Khmer. The writing system is Indic based. The Burmans adapted the Mon script for Burmese following their conquest of Mon territory.
[edit] Traditional culture
Mon culture and traditional heritages includes spiritual dances, musical instruments such as crocodile xylophone, harp, and flat guitar. Mon dances are usually played in a formal theater or sometimes in an informal district of any village. The dances are followed by background music using a circular set of tuned drums and claps, crocodile xylophone, gongs, flute, flat guitar, harp, etc. Mon in Burma wear clothes similar to the Bamars. Those living in Thailand have adopted Thai style scarfs and skirts.
As the eastern Mon were absorbed into the Thai/Siamese society long ago, the western Mon of Myanmar face the same pressure to assimilate. In Myanmar, the Mon are fighting for the retention of the Mon language and culture, and political autonomy. Once the predominant ethno-linguistic group in Lower Burma, the Mon language speakers number less than a million today, and those of Mon descent number anywhere between two million and eight million. The majority of Mon speak and are literate only in the Burmese language, and are often counted as the majority Bamar.
Early history
The Mon were one of the earliest distinct groups to settle in what is now Lower Burma, as early as 1500 BC or possibly earlier. The Mon are primarily associated with the historical kingdoms of Honsawati, Dvaravati and Hariphunchai. Up until the 14th century, outposts of Mon culture continued to spread very far east, including modern Thailand and Isan plateau cities such as Lampang and Khon Kaen. As late as the 14th and 15th centuries, it is believed that the Mon were the ethnic majority in this vast region, but also intermarried freely with Khmer and Tai-Kadai populations. Archaeological remains of Mon settlements have been found south of Vientiane, and may also have extended further to the north-west in the Haribhunjai era.
The Mon converted to Theravada Buddhism at a very early point in their history. Unlike other ethnic groups in the region, they seem to have adopted Theravada orthodoxy before coming into contact with Mahayana tendencies, and it is generally believed that the Mon provided the link of transmission whereby both the Thais and Cambodians converted from Hinduism and Mahayana Buddhism to Theravada Buddhism (increasingly from the 1200s). Although the precise date cannot be fixed, it seems that the Mon have been practicing Theravada Buddhism continuously for a longer period than any other extant religious community on earth, except for Sri Lanka, as the lineage was destroyed in India.
Like the Burmese and the Thais, some modern Mons have tried to identify their ethnicity with the semi-historical kingdom of Suwarnabhumi. Today, this claim is contested by many different ethnicities in South-East Asia, and contradicted by scholars. Historical scholarship indicates that the early usage of the term (as found in the edicts of Ashoka) indicated a location in Southern India, and not in South-East Asia. However, from the time of the first translations of the Ashokan inscriptions in the 19th century, both the Burmese and the Thais have made concentrated efforts to identify place-names found in the edicts with their own territory or culture. Sometimes these claims have also relied upon the creative interpretation of place-names found in Chinese historical sources.
A Mon dynasty ruled Lower Burma after the fall of the Pagan dynasty from 1287 to 1539 with a brief revival during 1550–53. At first, Martaban was the capital of this kingdom and then Pegu. The Mon king Rajadhirat, who waged war with the northern Burman kingdom of Ava during the whole duration of his reign, unified and consolidated the Mon kingdom's domains in Lower Burma.
The most famous Mon monarchs during this period were Queen Baña Thau (Burmese: Shin Sawbu; reigned 1453–1472) followed by Dhammazedi (reigned 1472–92). Queen Baña Thau personally chose Dhammazedi to succeed her. Dhammazedi had been a monk before he became king of Pegu. Under Dhammazedi, Pegu became a centre of commerce and Theravadan Buddhism. These two devout Buddhist monarchs initiated a long period of peace in Lower Burma.
The 61st Anniversary Mon National Day in London
Many foreign traders were attracted to the capital, which became well-known to the outside world as a center of commerce. As such, it is mentioned by the Russian merchant, Nitikin, who traveled in the East about 1470. Its fifteenth century rulers were, like those of old Pagan, chiefly interested in the development of religion. Missions were sent to Ceylon and on their return stimulated an important religious revival, which affected the whole of Burma. Its center was the Kalyani thein near Pegu, so named because its original monks had been ordained on the banks of the Kalyani river in Ceylon. Kalyani ordination became the standard form for the whole country. The story of the reforms is told in the Kalyani inscriptions erected by King Dammazedi (1472-92).
Dammazedi was the greatest of the rulers of Wareru’s line. His reign was a time of peace and he himself was a mild ruler, famous for his wisdom. A collection of his rulings, the Dammazedi pyatton, is still extant. He maintained friendly intercourse with Yunnan and revived the practice of sending missions to Buddhagaya. He was a Buddhist ruler of the best type, deeply solicitous for the purification of religion. Under him, civilization flourished, and the condition of the Mon country stands out in sharp contrast with the disorder and savagery which characterized the Ava kingdom. When he died he was honoured as a saint and a pagoda was erected over his bones.
The Mon kingdom possessed two great pagodas of especial sanctity, the Shwemawdaw at Pegu and the Shwedagon at the small stockaded fishing-town of Dagon, now Yangon.[1]
The last Mon kingdom was Hongsavatoi—they re-conquered much of their lost territory until King Alaungpaya forced them back and captured the kingdom by 1757, massacring a considerable part of the population. The Mon religious leaders were forced to flee to Siam and the Mon have been harshly repressed from the 1750s to the present day.
[edit] Colonial
Burma was conquered by the British in a series of wars. After the Second Anglo-Burmese War, the Mon territories were completely under the control of the British. The Mon aided the British to free themselves from the rule of the Burman monarchy. Under Burman rule, the Mon people had been massacred after they lost their kingdom and many sought asylum in the Thai Kingdom. The British conquest of Burma allowed the Mon people to survive in Southern Burma.
[edit] After Burmese independence
The Mon soon became anti-colonialists and following the grant of independence to Burma in 1948 they sought self-determination, U Nu refused them this and they rose in revolt to be crushed again.
They have remained a repressed and defiant group in the country since then. They have risen in revolt against the central Burmese government on a number of occasions, initially under the Mon People's Front and from 1962 through the New Mon State Party. A partially autonomous Mon state, Monland, was created in 1974 covering Tenasserim, Pegu and Ayeyarwady River. Resistance continued until 1995 when NMSP and SLORC agreed a cease-fire and, in 1996, the Mon Unity League was founded.
In 1947, Mon National Day was created to celebrate the ancient founding of Hanthawady, the last Mon Kingdom, which had its seat in Pegu. (It follows the full moon on the 11th month of the Mon lunar calendar, except in Phrapadaeng, Thailand, where it is celebrated at Songkran.)
The largest Mon refugee communities are currently in Thailand, with smaller communities in the United States, Australia, Canada, Norway, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and the Netherlands.
[edit] Language and script
See also: Mon language
The Mon language is part of the Monic group of the Mon-Khmer branch of the Austro-Asiatic family, closely related to the Nyah Kur language and more distantly related to Khmer. The writing system is Indic based. The Burmans adapted the Mon script for Burmese following their conquest of Mon territory.
[edit] Traditional culture
Mon culture and traditional heritages includes spiritual dances, musical instruments such as crocodile xylophone, harp, and flat guitar. Mon dances are usually played in a formal theater or sometimes in an informal district of any village. The dances are followed by background music using a circular set of tuned drums and claps, crocodile xylophone, gongs, flute, flat guitar, harp, etc. Mon in Burma wear clothes similar to the Bamars. Those living in Thailand have adopted Thai style scarfs and skirts.
Mon history
0 comments
The Mon are the earliest known inhabitants of lower Burma. They founded an empire, and introduced both writing and Buddhism into Burma.
In the year 573, two Mon brothers, Prince Samala and Prince Wimala, founded the Mon kingdom Hongsavatoi at the present site of modern Pegu. This kingdom flourished in peace and prosperity for several centuries until it was occupied by the Burman dynasty.
In 1757, the Burma ruler U Aungzeya invaded and devastated the Mon kingdom, killing tens of thousands of Mon, including learned Mon priests, pregnant women, and children. Over 3,000 priests were massacred by the victorious Burmans in the capital city alone. Thousands more priests were killed in the countryside.
The surviving priests fled to Thailand, and Burman priests took over the monasteries. Most of the Mon literature, written on palm leaves, was destroyed by the Burmans. Use of the Mon language was forbidden, and Burman became the medium of instruction.
Mon people were persecuted, oppressed, and enslaved, and countless people were burned in holocausts, like the Jews before the Nazis. Mon properties and possessions were looted and burned throughout Burma. Mons fled further south into Burma's Tenasserim Division and east into Thailand.
Unfortunately, the oppression of the Mon people has persisted to the present day. Follow this link for Mon history since WWII.
Recent Mon history
Burma has been racked by civil war ever since its independence, over 40 years ago. The Mon people, as well as other ethnic minorities such as the Karen and Shan, have suffered greatly during this period.
Burma gained independence from Britain in 1948, and it has been ruled by military dictators since then. The current rulers are the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council), who took power in a 1988 coup, suspending the legislature and the judiciary.
One of the most notorious actions of the military regime in Burma was the Aug. 8, 1988 massacre of thousands of students engaged in peaceful protests against the government. Follow this link for photos from the 1988 massacre.
The current Burmese government has received world-wide condemnation for its human-rights violations, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a Burmese political prisoner, received the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts to bring international attention to the grave conditions in Burma. Following this link for more information on Aung San Suu Kyi.
The U.S. State Department, in its 1994 report on human rights in Burma, wrote
Despite an appearance of greater normalcy fostered by increased economic activity, in fact the Government's unacceptable record on human rights changed little in 1994. Out of sight of most visitors, Burmese citizens continued to live subject at any time and without appeal to the arbitrary and sometimes brutal dictates of the military. There continued to be credible reports, particularly from ethnic minority-dominated areas, that soldiers committed serious human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings and rape. The use of porters by the army--with all the attendant maltreatment, illness, and even death for those compelled to serve--remained a standard practice and probably even increased. The Burmese military forced hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of ordinary Burmese (including women and children) to "contribute" their labor, often under harsh working conditions, to construction projects throughout the country. The forced resettlement of civilians also continued.
Burma is shared by many nationalities, and it is necessary to find a national framework that includes full partnership for all the people of the country. If not, civil war cannot be stopped, and the dream of building the union of Burma as a developed and democratic country cannot be realized. The Indigenous Mon Council of Burma fears that Burma will become another Bosnia unless the military Junta shares authority with the Burmese ethnic minorities.
In the year 573, two Mon brothers, Prince Samala and Prince Wimala, founded the Mon kingdom Hongsavatoi at the present site of modern Pegu. This kingdom flourished in peace and prosperity for several centuries until it was occupied by the Burman dynasty.
In 1757, the Burma ruler U Aungzeya invaded and devastated the Mon kingdom, killing tens of thousands of Mon, including learned Mon priests, pregnant women, and children. Over 3,000 priests were massacred by the victorious Burmans in the capital city alone. Thousands more priests were killed in the countryside.
The surviving priests fled to Thailand, and Burman priests took over the monasteries. Most of the Mon literature, written on palm leaves, was destroyed by the Burmans. Use of the Mon language was forbidden, and Burman became the medium of instruction.
Mon people were persecuted, oppressed, and enslaved, and countless people were burned in holocausts, like the Jews before the Nazis. Mon properties and possessions were looted and burned throughout Burma. Mons fled further south into Burma's Tenasserim Division and east into Thailand.
Unfortunately, the oppression of the Mon people has persisted to the present day. Follow this link for Mon history since WWII.
Recent Mon history
Burma has been racked by civil war ever since its independence, over 40 years ago. The Mon people, as well as other ethnic minorities such as the Karen and Shan, have suffered greatly during this period.
Burma gained independence from Britain in 1948, and it has been ruled by military dictators since then. The current rulers are the SLORC (State Law and Order Restoration Council), who took power in a 1988 coup, suspending the legislature and the judiciary.
One of the most notorious actions of the military regime in Burma was the Aug. 8, 1988 massacre of thousands of students engaged in peaceful protests against the government. Follow this link for photos from the 1988 massacre.
The current Burmese government has received world-wide condemnation for its human-rights violations, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, a Burmese political prisoner, received the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts to bring international attention to the grave conditions in Burma. Following this link for more information on Aung San Suu Kyi.
The U.S. State Department, in its 1994 report on human rights in Burma, wrote
Despite an appearance of greater normalcy fostered by increased economic activity, in fact the Government's unacceptable record on human rights changed little in 1994. Out of sight of most visitors, Burmese citizens continued to live subject at any time and without appeal to the arbitrary and sometimes brutal dictates of the military. There continued to be credible reports, particularly from ethnic minority-dominated areas, that soldiers committed serious human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings and rape. The use of porters by the army--with all the attendant maltreatment, illness, and even death for those compelled to serve--remained a standard practice and probably even increased. The Burmese military forced hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of ordinary Burmese (including women and children) to "contribute" their labor, often under harsh working conditions, to construction projects throughout the country. The forced resettlement of civilians also continued.
Burma is shared by many nationalities, and it is necessary to find a national framework that includes full partnership for all the people of the country. If not, civil war cannot be stopped, and the dream of building the union of Burma as a developed and democratic country cannot be realized. The Indigenous Mon Council of Burma fears that Burma will become another Bosnia unless the military Junta shares authority with the Burmese ethnic minorities.
We are the Mons
0 comments
The Mon History
Thu 01 Apr 2004,
Among the present various inhabitants of Burma, the Mon are the oldest. They arrived into Burma probably between 2500 and 1500 BC. The Mon were close cousin of Khmers, with whom they originally came down from Mongolia. Since then, they settled in some parts of Thailand, and along Tenasserim and on the Irrawaddy delta of Burma. The first strong Mon kingdom in Burma was well-known as Suwarnabhumi, The Golden Land and it had a port capital Thaton (it is still situated in Mon State as a small town), which was not so far from the isthmian portage route; and through this window to the see they saw India, in its full glory, united and peaceful under emperor Asoka and a flourishing center of Theravada Buddhism. Asoka sent a mission of Buddhist monks to Suwarnabhumi and introduced Theravada Buddhisim, which improved new civilization to the Mon. The ancient monastic settlement of Kalasa, situated a few miles from Thaton and claimed by Mon and Burman chronicles to have been founded by Asoka?s missionaries, was mentioned in early Ceylonese records as being represented at a great religious synod held in Cylon (Siri Lanka) in the 2nd Century BC.
Before the establishment of Burmans?s well-known kingdom Pagan, the Mon both in Thailand and Burma, were politically organized as the confederacy of Ramanya and embracing the three kingdoms of Thaton, Dvaravati, and Haripunjaya. Until the 8th century, the Mon kingdom was stable and expanded well relationship with Indias for trading and commerce. The expension was sudden and revolutionary but peaceful, the Indian merchants and seamen came to Thaton as friends rather than as conquistadors or colonists. The Mon also accepted Indian culture and developed their civilization.
The second wave of peoples to come into Burman after the Mon were the Tibeto- Burmans from the north. The Mon reluctance allowed the infant Burman kingdom to survive and grow. In the process the leadership of the Tibeto-Burman tribes passed to the Burmans and in 849 AD they founded their own city Pagan. In 1044, the Burmese king Anawrahta came to the throne of Pagan. After he grew his power and influence, he challenged and conquered Theravada Mon in Thaton in 1057. It was a unity not by peaceful means but through force. The conquest of Pagan was the foundation of both Pagan?s economy and its culture. Mon craftsmen, artisans, architects, goldsmiths, and wood carvers -captured at Thaton- were taken to Pagan to teach their skills and arts to the Burmans. Mon monks and scholars taught the Burmese the Pali language and the Buddhist scriptures. The Burmans soon became scholars themselves, making Pagan the center of Theravada learning.
In 1287, Pagan fell to Mongol Kubla Khan?s armies. After the fall of Pagan, the Mon in lower Burma consolidated themselves and restored their own kingdom. The kingdom was initially established at Martaban, near Moulmein and ruled by king Wareru. Then the capital of kingdom was transferred to Pegu (Hongsawatoi) in 1365. The Mon were achieving another golden age again under wise rulers that lasted until 1533. During and half centuries of golden era, Pegu?s Hongsawatoi Dynasty produced rulers who are still loved by the people of Burma today, and who left behind many sacred monuments.
In 1531, Thabinshwehti became the Burman king of Taungoo and within a few years he conquered lower Burma from the Mon and established his capital in Pegu. After he died, his brother-in-law Bayinnaung established the second Burman empire, by occupying Shan plateau and some parts of Thailand. Later, the capital of kingdom was transferred to Ava of upper Burma and it became weak. In 1740, the Mon declared independence and reestablished their kingdom in Pegu (hongsawatoi). The Burman capital of Ava fell to the Mon in 1752 and nearly the whole Burma became under Mon rule then.
U Aunggzeya, a Burman leader who is better known as King Alaungphaya, drove the Mon out of upper Burma from Ava and regained other lost territories. By 1757 he defeated the Mon annexed the Mon kingdom of Hongsawatoi. The Mon have ever since become a people without a country. The conquering Burman leader U Aungzeya persecuted the Mon by massacring over 3,000 learned Mon monks near Rangoon; by burning down holy scriptures and monasteries; by proscribing Mon language and literature; and by genocidal mass execution whereby thousands of Mon were exterminated in several stockade-inferno holocausts. Racial discrimination was rife and hundreds of thousands of the Mon fled to Siam (Thailand) for safe haven. In modern human rights terminology, it was a drastic ?ethnic cleansing? process.
After 68 years under the rule of Burman kings, following the second Anglo-Burmese war, the entire Mon territory of lower Burma was colonized by the British in 1824. Until and except the periods they were colonized by the two alien nations, the Burman and British, the Mon had exercised full rights of self-determination for many centuries. During the periods when the Mon were master of Lower Burma, the people were happy and prosperous. Those glorious periods were expressed by western historians as golden ages under wise Mon rulers. Relations with foreign countries and foreign nationals were peaceful, cordial and harmonious. They blended their native culture with Theravada Buddhism which elevated them as teachers of their neighbours in Southeast Asia.
The British administration based on modern democracy and capitalism superseded the Burmese autocratic feudalism, which treated other ethnic nationalities who were their domination as serfs. The peaceful situation during the British reign gave an opportunity for most of the ethnic non-Burman refugees who fled the tuthless brutal oppression of the Burman kings to neighbouring countries, to return to Burma.
The British during the process of annexing Burma, persuaded the Mon to rebel against Burma, while they were attacking the Burman who were oppressing the Mon as slaves. An excerpt from the proclamation by the British commanding officer, Sir Archibald, written in the book entitled ? The Making of Burma? by Dorothy Woodman says: ?Choose from amongst yourselves a Chief, I will recongnize him.? The promise was never honoured but instead the first Commissioner Mr. A. D. Maingy was appointed to administer the Mon dominated areas of Ye, Tavoy, Mergui and Tenasserim after incorporating them into the British Empire. This behaviour of the British infuriated the Mon very much, and they pledged to oust British rule from Burma in collaboration with the Burman and other ethnic victims of imperialism.
Through the anti-colonial struggle to free Burma from the yoke of the British imperialism, the Mon worked together with their indigenous brethren up to the end of World War II. But when independence for Burma from the British was in the offing, the Mon asserted their identity and right of self-determination. Some Mon cultural and political organizations such as All Ramanya Mon Association, United Mon Association and Mon Freedom League were formed by Mon leaders and asked the Burman leaders to recognize their identity. But the demand was flatly rejected by the Burman leader U Nu, who was the Prime Minister then. He claimed that ?the Mon and the Burman were identical and so there was no reason for the Mon to crave for a separate ethnic identity?. This refusal to recognize their primary demand created the Mon national upsurge, and resulted in an escalation of their demand to reclaim their old homeland which covers the whole of lower Burma.
In signing the Aung San-Atlee agreement for independence of the whole Burma, the Burman leadership approached the frontier ethnic nationalities to join the Union of Burma at Penglong in Shan State. An agreement came out to safeguard racil equal rights of the ethnic nationalities and establish a Federal Union, but the Mon, the Karen and the Karenni were not participants of the Penglong Agreement. After the death of Gen. Aung San, the succeeding Burmese leaders twisted the agreement by writing a constitution based on a unitary system concentrating the executive administrative power in the central government in Rangoon.
The Mon?s demand for the creation of a Mon State which covers lower Burma was rejected again and the repressive action was also taken against them by the ruling Burman leaders. Some Mon leaders were assassinated and many were imprisoned. More than 100 Mon villages were also burnt down and destroyed by the Burmese Army. These repressive measures pushed the Mon to take up arms and continue their struggle for racial rights by means of armed struggle in the wake of Burma independence in 1948. Initially, under the leadership of Mon People?s Front (MPF), the Mon armed struggle had been carrying on until 1958. In July 1958, MPF agreed with the then U Nu?s parliamentary government to transform itself as legal Mon freedom struggle under the democratic system. The democratic government of U Nu was abolished the Burmese Army led by Gen. Ne Win in a coup d?etat in 1962 and since then the country was ruled by a military dictatorship. The Mon armed resistance movement was continued by the New Mon State Party (NMSP) which replaced the outgoing MPF. The Mon armed struggle under the leadership of NMSP has continuously fought against the single- party rule of Gen. Ne Win-led Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and the present military regime, State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) for nearly four decades.
The NMSP has modified its claim to five districts of lower Burma, namely, Pegu, Thaton, Moulmein, Tavoy, and Mergui Districts to be formed as Mon State. It has passed through several phases of different political changes during the Mon armed struggle of the five decades against the ultra-nationalist Burman governments. In 1974, the Burman leadership led by Gen. Ne Win created the nominal Mon State covering Thaton and Moulmein districts to appease the Mons. In 1982, NMSP became a member of the National Democratic Front (NDF) which is an umbrella organization for all non-Burman ethnic nationalities resisting Rangoon governments for self-determination.
The economic deterioration, the demonetization of currency and the discontent with human rights abuses culminated in the world-renowned demonstrations of the students, monks and civilian masses in 1988, demanding democray, free elections and an end to the single-party rule. State power changed hands three times and just when the general will could no longer be contained, thousand troops were called in and thousands of demonstrators were massacred and thousands arrested. As a result of the military junta?s violent repression, thousands of students, monks, intelligentsia, political leaders, military personnel and ordinary citizens fled to the liberated areas controlled by members of NDF. With the initiative of NDF, a wider representative organization under the name of the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) was formed including the ethnic Burman opposition groups in and out of the country.
Thailand has changed its policy towards Burma. It is adamant that the civil war in Burma should come to an end. Thailand, with its policy if ?Constructive Engagement? to Burma, does not need the Karen, Karenni and Mon areas as a buffer between her and Burma. It has hoped that peace in Burma will favour Thai commercial interests for quick profit and help stem the increasing flow of refugees from Burma. It has put constand pressure on NMSP and other ethnic non-Burma armed opposition groups along its border to enter into a cease-fire deal with SLORC and end the war. At the same time, the military regime SLORC was offering the many ethnic armed opposition groups including NMSP, asking them to enter into a cease- fire agreement with it. NMSP entered initial ceasefire talks with SLORC in late 1993. In mid-1995, it reached a ceasefire agreement with SLORC. Still the ceasefire agreement is not a political solution of Burma and the Mon do not obtain any rights from the present NMSP ceasefire with SLORC. The human rights situation in Mon region has not improved despite the NMSP-SLORC ceasefire. The political activities of NMSP have been under constant pressure and disturbance by the military regime SLORC. The deteriorating situation following the NMSP-SLORC cease-fire agreement ha led to to formation of a new political forum for the Mon people. In early 1996, the Mon Unity League (MUL) came into existence as a common Mon united front.
Thu 01 Apr 2004,
Among the present various inhabitants of Burma, the Mon are the oldest. They arrived into Burma probably between 2500 and 1500 BC. The Mon were close cousin of Khmers, with whom they originally came down from Mongolia. Since then, they settled in some parts of Thailand, and along Tenasserim and on the Irrawaddy delta of Burma. The first strong Mon kingdom in Burma was well-known as Suwarnabhumi, The Golden Land and it had a port capital Thaton (it is still situated in Mon State as a small town), which was not so far from the isthmian portage route; and through this window to the see they saw India, in its full glory, united and peaceful under emperor Asoka and a flourishing center of Theravada Buddhism. Asoka sent a mission of Buddhist monks to Suwarnabhumi and introduced Theravada Buddhisim, which improved new civilization to the Mon. The ancient monastic settlement of Kalasa, situated a few miles from Thaton and claimed by Mon and Burman chronicles to have been founded by Asoka?s missionaries, was mentioned in early Ceylonese records as being represented at a great religious synod held in Cylon (Siri Lanka) in the 2nd Century BC.
Before the establishment of Burmans?s well-known kingdom Pagan, the Mon both in Thailand and Burma, were politically organized as the confederacy of Ramanya and embracing the three kingdoms of Thaton, Dvaravati, and Haripunjaya. Until the 8th century, the Mon kingdom was stable and expanded well relationship with Indias for trading and commerce. The expension was sudden and revolutionary but peaceful, the Indian merchants and seamen came to Thaton as friends rather than as conquistadors or colonists. The Mon also accepted Indian culture and developed their civilization.
The second wave of peoples to come into Burman after the Mon were the Tibeto- Burmans from the north. The Mon reluctance allowed the infant Burman kingdom to survive and grow. In the process the leadership of the Tibeto-Burman tribes passed to the Burmans and in 849 AD they founded their own city Pagan. In 1044, the Burmese king Anawrahta came to the throne of Pagan. After he grew his power and influence, he challenged and conquered Theravada Mon in Thaton in 1057. It was a unity not by peaceful means but through force. The conquest of Pagan was the foundation of both Pagan?s economy and its culture. Mon craftsmen, artisans, architects, goldsmiths, and wood carvers -captured at Thaton- were taken to Pagan to teach their skills and arts to the Burmans. Mon monks and scholars taught the Burmese the Pali language and the Buddhist scriptures. The Burmans soon became scholars themselves, making Pagan the center of Theravada learning.
In 1287, Pagan fell to Mongol Kubla Khan?s armies. After the fall of Pagan, the Mon in lower Burma consolidated themselves and restored their own kingdom. The kingdom was initially established at Martaban, near Moulmein and ruled by king Wareru. Then the capital of kingdom was transferred to Pegu (Hongsawatoi) in 1365. The Mon were achieving another golden age again under wise rulers that lasted until 1533. During and half centuries of golden era, Pegu?s Hongsawatoi Dynasty produced rulers who are still loved by the people of Burma today, and who left behind many sacred monuments.
In 1531, Thabinshwehti became the Burman king of Taungoo and within a few years he conquered lower Burma from the Mon and established his capital in Pegu. After he died, his brother-in-law Bayinnaung established the second Burman empire, by occupying Shan plateau and some parts of Thailand. Later, the capital of kingdom was transferred to Ava of upper Burma and it became weak. In 1740, the Mon declared independence and reestablished their kingdom in Pegu (hongsawatoi). The Burman capital of Ava fell to the Mon in 1752 and nearly the whole Burma became under Mon rule then.
U Aunggzeya, a Burman leader who is better known as King Alaungphaya, drove the Mon out of upper Burma from Ava and regained other lost territories. By 1757 he defeated the Mon annexed the Mon kingdom of Hongsawatoi. The Mon have ever since become a people without a country. The conquering Burman leader U Aungzeya persecuted the Mon by massacring over 3,000 learned Mon monks near Rangoon; by burning down holy scriptures and monasteries; by proscribing Mon language and literature; and by genocidal mass execution whereby thousands of Mon were exterminated in several stockade-inferno holocausts. Racial discrimination was rife and hundreds of thousands of the Mon fled to Siam (Thailand) for safe haven. In modern human rights terminology, it was a drastic ?ethnic cleansing? process.
After 68 years under the rule of Burman kings, following the second Anglo-Burmese war, the entire Mon territory of lower Burma was colonized by the British in 1824. Until and except the periods they were colonized by the two alien nations, the Burman and British, the Mon had exercised full rights of self-determination for many centuries. During the periods when the Mon were master of Lower Burma, the people were happy and prosperous. Those glorious periods were expressed by western historians as golden ages under wise Mon rulers. Relations with foreign countries and foreign nationals were peaceful, cordial and harmonious. They blended their native culture with Theravada Buddhism which elevated them as teachers of their neighbours in Southeast Asia.
The British administration based on modern democracy and capitalism superseded the Burmese autocratic feudalism, which treated other ethnic nationalities who were their domination as serfs. The peaceful situation during the British reign gave an opportunity for most of the ethnic non-Burman refugees who fled the tuthless brutal oppression of the Burman kings to neighbouring countries, to return to Burma.
The British during the process of annexing Burma, persuaded the Mon to rebel against Burma, while they were attacking the Burman who were oppressing the Mon as slaves. An excerpt from the proclamation by the British commanding officer, Sir Archibald, written in the book entitled ? The Making of Burma? by Dorothy Woodman says: ?Choose from amongst yourselves a Chief, I will recongnize him.? The promise was never honoured but instead the first Commissioner Mr. A. D. Maingy was appointed to administer the Mon dominated areas of Ye, Tavoy, Mergui and Tenasserim after incorporating them into the British Empire. This behaviour of the British infuriated the Mon very much, and they pledged to oust British rule from Burma in collaboration with the Burman and other ethnic victims of imperialism.
Through the anti-colonial struggle to free Burma from the yoke of the British imperialism, the Mon worked together with their indigenous brethren up to the end of World War II. But when independence for Burma from the British was in the offing, the Mon asserted their identity and right of self-determination. Some Mon cultural and political organizations such as All Ramanya Mon Association, United Mon Association and Mon Freedom League were formed by Mon leaders and asked the Burman leaders to recognize their identity. But the demand was flatly rejected by the Burman leader U Nu, who was the Prime Minister then. He claimed that ?the Mon and the Burman were identical and so there was no reason for the Mon to crave for a separate ethnic identity?. This refusal to recognize their primary demand created the Mon national upsurge, and resulted in an escalation of their demand to reclaim their old homeland which covers the whole of lower Burma.
In signing the Aung San-Atlee agreement for independence of the whole Burma, the Burman leadership approached the frontier ethnic nationalities to join the Union of Burma at Penglong in Shan State. An agreement came out to safeguard racil equal rights of the ethnic nationalities and establish a Federal Union, but the Mon, the Karen and the Karenni were not participants of the Penglong Agreement. After the death of Gen. Aung San, the succeeding Burmese leaders twisted the agreement by writing a constitution based on a unitary system concentrating the executive administrative power in the central government in Rangoon.
The Mon?s demand for the creation of a Mon State which covers lower Burma was rejected again and the repressive action was also taken against them by the ruling Burman leaders. Some Mon leaders were assassinated and many were imprisoned. More than 100 Mon villages were also burnt down and destroyed by the Burmese Army. These repressive measures pushed the Mon to take up arms and continue their struggle for racial rights by means of armed struggle in the wake of Burma independence in 1948. Initially, under the leadership of Mon People?s Front (MPF), the Mon armed struggle had been carrying on until 1958. In July 1958, MPF agreed with the then U Nu?s parliamentary government to transform itself as legal Mon freedom struggle under the democratic system. The democratic government of U Nu was abolished the Burmese Army led by Gen. Ne Win in a coup d?etat in 1962 and since then the country was ruled by a military dictatorship. The Mon armed resistance movement was continued by the New Mon State Party (NMSP) which replaced the outgoing MPF. The Mon armed struggle under the leadership of NMSP has continuously fought against the single- party rule of Gen. Ne Win-led Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) and the present military regime, State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) for nearly four decades.
The NMSP has modified its claim to five districts of lower Burma, namely, Pegu, Thaton, Moulmein, Tavoy, and Mergui Districts to be formed as Mon State. It has passed through several phases of different political changes during the Mon armed struggle of the five decades against the ultra-nationalist Burman governments. In 1974, the Burman leadership led by Gen. Ne Win created the nominal Mon State covering Thaton and Moulmein districts to appease the Mons. In 1982, NMSP became a member of the National Democratic Front (NDF) which is an umbrella organization for all non-Burman ethnic nationalities resisting Rangoon governments for self-determination.
The economic deterioration, the demonetization of currency and the discontent with human rights abuses culminated in the world-renowned demonstrations of the students, monks and civilian masses in 1988, demanding democray, free elections and an end to the single-party rule. State power changed hands three times and just when the general will could no longer be contained, thousand troops were called in and thousands of demonstrators were massacred and thousands arrested. As a result of the military junta?s violent repression, thousands of students, monks, intelligentsia, political leaders, military personnel and ordinary citizens fled to the liberated areas controlled by members of NDF. With the initiative of NDF, a wider representative organization under the name of the Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB) was formed including the ethnic Burman opposition groups in and out of the country.
Thailand has changed its policy towards Burma. It is adamant that the civil war in Burma should come to an end. Thailand, with its policy if ?Constructive Engagement? to Burma, does not need the Karen, Karenni and Mon areas as a buffer between her and Burma. It has hoped that peace in Burma will favour Thai commercial interests for quick profit and help stem the increasing flow of refugees from Burma. It has put constand pressure on NMSP and other ethnic non-Burma armed opposition groups along its border to enter into a cease-fire deal with SLORC and end the war. At the same time, the military regime SLORC was offering the many ethnic armed opposition groups including NMSP, asking them to enter into a cease- fire agreement with it. NMSP entered initial ceasefire talks with SLORC in late 1993. In mid-1995, it reached a ceasefire agreement with SLORC. Still the ceasefire agreement is not a political solution of Burma and the Mon do not obtain any rights from the present NMSP ceasefire with SLORC. The human rights situation in Mon region has not improved despite the NMSP-SLORC ceasefire. The political activities of NMSP have been under constant pressure and disturbance by the military regime SLORC. The deteriorating situation following the NMSP-SLORC cease-fire agreement ha led to to formation of a new political forum for the Mon people. In early 1996, the Mon Unity League (MUL) came into existence as a common Mon united front.
Mon People in Thailand
0 comments
The Mon were one of the earliest races to settle in Thailand. Originally from Southwest China they migrated South, to Upper Burma, then to be pushed South by the Tibeto-Burman races who also moved South down the Irrawaddy Valley in Burma, finally to settle in Pegu and Thaton. They also moved South in Thailand to the Ping Valley in North Thailand and the Chao Phraya Basin in Central Thailand. Here they founded the Kingdom of Dvaravati which lasted from the 3rd-C to the 10th-C. In 769 the Mon founded the Kingdom of Haripunchai in North Thailand at the place of the modern town of Lamphun. The Mon are members of the Mon-Khmer language group and number about 120,000. In Central Thailand they inhabit the Provinces of Kanchanaburi, Ratachburi, Phra Nakhon Si Ayuthaya and Lop Buri. Of these about 50,000 still speak Mon. These people are the descendants of the fugitives or refugees of the earlier Centuries when the Mon were repressed by the Burmans or when the Thais were at War with Burma. The original Mon in Thailand of the Dvaravati Kingdom were previously assimilated by the Khmer and later Tai Kingdoms.
The Mon became Buddhists in the 5th C. The Mon are more superstitious than the Tai, Monks act as astrologers and advise on the supernatural. Spirit belief is important and respect is paid to spirit houses.
In Burma [ Myanmar ] the Mon are called Talaing . In Myanmar the Mon identity is being consumed by the Burmese except in the Southern Mon State. In Thailand whilst the Mon lost their identity to the Tai , the Tai adopted many cultural, social and religious features of the Mon, most importantly, the Buddhist religion which they first adopted from Ceylon in the 5th C.
1,000 Years Of History Between The Mon Of Lop Buri, Lamphun & Myanmar
Lop Buri was at times under attack by the Khmer and at times became a vassal of the Khmer Empire. The Khmers also sought to expand North and conquer Haripunchai. These stories are documented in the ancient Chronicles.
A major war campaign took place between the Mon Kings 1010-1020. It started with the Lamphun Kings invasion of Lop Buri, only to be thwarted by the Khmer Kings occupation and conquest of Lop Buri on arrival from Nakhon Si Thammarat in South Thailand [ then also part of the Khmer Empire ]. In 1050 a cholera epidemic caused the Mon in Lamphun to live with other Mon in South Central Burma. Ever since relations between the Mon of both Nations have been good. Relations between the Mon Rulers of Haripunchai [ Lumphun ] and Lop Buri were at all times subjugated by Khmer influence over the Lop Buri Mon.
Around the Town of Lumphun we can today see the moat fortifications of the then satelite Wiangs [ fortified outposts ]. These are at Wiang Mano, Wiang Tho, Wiang Tha Kan and Wiang Kum Kan.
Mon Museum Bangkok
The Mon Museum Bangkok is in the home of a Mon village headman for Mon people in Bangkok. The museum contains pottery, Mon musical instruments,antique Mon jewellery [ gold ornaments ] Mon scriptures and Buddha images in Mon style. This is a modest village style exhibition but of interest to people interested in Mon culture and art. The museum is located at 112 Kor Moo 9, Bangkradee Lane, Rama 11 Road Samae dum Sub District Bangkuhunthian District Bangkok. Admission is free and it opens 8 am to 5 pm. [ 66 2 416 1260 ]
Mon Temple Bangkok
The Mon Temple and local Mon community in Bankradee Lane off Rama 11 is in Bankunthian District Bangkok. The address of the temple is 12 Kor Moo 9. This Mon Temple was built during the reign of Rama 4. Here the standing Image and bell shaped pagoda are in classic Mon style. In the Mon community in Bangkok the Mon people still speak Mon.
The Mon became Buddhists in the 5th C. The Mon are more superstitious than the Tai, Monks act as astrologers and advise on the supernatural. Spirit belief is important and respect is paid to spirit houses.
In Burma [ Myanmar ] the Mon are called Talaing . In Myanmar the Mon identity is being consumed by the Burmese except in the Southern Mon State. In Thailand whilst the Mon lost their identity to the Tai , the Tai adopted many cultural, social and religious features of the Mon, most importantly, the Buddhist religion which they first adopted from Ceylon in the 5th C.
1,000 Years Of History Between The Mon Of Lop Buri, Lamphun & Myanmar
Lop Buri was at times under attack by the Khmer and at times became a vassal of the Khmer Empire. The Khmers also sought to expand North and conquer Haripunchai. These stories are documented in the ancient Chronicles.
A major war campaign took place between the Mon Kings 1010-1020. It started with the Lamphun Kings invasion of Lop Buri, only to be thwarted by the Khmer Kings occupation and conquest of Lop Buri on arrival from Nakhon Si Thammarat in South Thailand [ then also part of the Khmer Empire ]. In 1050 a cholera epidemic caused the Mon in Lamphun to live with other Mon in South Central Burma. Ever since relations between the Mon of both Nations have been good. Relations between the Mon Rulers of Haripunchai [ Lumphun ] and Lop Buri were at all times subjugated by Khmer influence over the Lop Buri Mon.
Around the Town of Lumphun we can today see the moat fortifications of the then satelite Wiangs [ fortified outposts ]. These are at Wiang Mano, Wiang Tho, Wiang Tha Kan and Wiang Kum Kan.
Mon Museum Bangkok
The Mon Museum Bangkok is in the home of a Mon village headman for Mon people in Bangkok. The museum contains pottery, Mon musical instruments,antique Mon jewellery [ gold ornaments ] Mon scriptures and Buddha images in Mon style. This is a modest village style exhibition but of interest to people interested in Mon culture and art. The museum is located at 112 Kor Moo 9, Bangkradee Lane, Rama 11 Road Samae dum Sub District Bangkuhunthian District Bangkok. Admission is free and it opens 8 am to 5 pm. [ 66 2 416 1260 ]
Mon Temple Bangkok
The Mon Temple and local Mon community in Bankradee Lane off Rama 11 is in Bankunthian District Bangkok. The address of the temple is 12 Kor Moo 9. This Mon Temple was built during the reign of Rama 4. Here the standing Image and bell shaped pagoda are in classic Mon style. In the Mon community in Bangkok the Mon people still speak Mon.
Mon National Flag (New Mon State Party' Flag)
0 comments
New Mon State Party Flag
There are believed to be around 8 million people who claim Mon ancestry and retain their culture and language, but the majority of the Mon (possibly 4 million) use the modern Burmese language for daily business and are literate only in Burmese (not in their native language). The majority of Mon live around the city of Bago or the site of their historic capital, Thaton and the port of Mawlamyaing
Mon National Athem
0 comments
| Mon National Athem... |
ရးနိဂုီ - - ရာဇဝင္ စရာဲ - - ဇုဇဗာလပ႙ု၊
ပတန္လဝ္ကုႝ ဆီပဠက္ၿပဲဂွ္ - - အာဲကဿာဲပ႙ု၊
ပႜဲစိုတ္ သုီစ႐ိုတ္ ဒးမင္မြဲ ဗၜးၐးေရာင္ - -
သြက္အိုတ္သုီ ရာင္ဆာဲ ပႜဲ ရးမည
Creators of the same meaning
0 comments
(Writted & Photo by Asohn Vi)
As I stood in the Maha Buddha Gaya Pagoda, I could hear the clear voice of an old woman praying from the pagoda's south end. It was not strange for me for I grew up inside Burma, but it was a little surprising, for though I stood in Thailand the prayer I heard was that of an elder Mon/Burmese. 
In my community in Burma, our elders offer food to Lord Buddha and monks in the morning, then look for flowers, rest at lunch time and spend the rest of the afternoon making flower rings (Mon name). In the evening, they go to monasteries and pray. Standing there, I already knew what the old woman was doing. When I spoke with her, she told me she prays every day, unless she is sick. With ten others she prays everyday and makes an exception only four days a month.
I stood in a temple in Wangka, an ethnic Mon community that hugs the perimeter of a small inlet on Lake Vajiralongkorn, tucked high up in northwestern Kanchanaburi Province, Thailand. Across the inlet is the town of Sangkhlaburi near Three Pagodas Pass, twenty minutes to the east is Burma, an area that has seen centuries of Burmese and Mon crisscrossing over the border area. Five hours to the northwest is Bangkok.
The Wangka community was founded by the prominent Abbot Uttama in 1949 to help the Mon people who had been displaced by armed conflict and the appalling human rights conditions. They also came to Thailand to study in Thai schools. Wangka connects to Sangkhlaburi via the longest handmade wooden bridge in Thailand, the village bridge can be seen as a metaphor that is the lifeline for the Mon people. Though U Uttama passed away in October 2006, Wangka's population is now about 8,000.
A large sign-board at the gate of the village bears the words "Mon cultural village" in Thai script. Likewise, street names and other announcements are written in Thai. Although cultural images are not obviously visible on normal days in Wangka, the beat of the village life can be seen everywhere on religious days as people come and go wearing the traditional Mon dress in colors of red and white. Fridays also are important for on this day schoolchildren are permitted to shed their uniforms for their traditional clothes, and in the morning you can see more than 2,000 youngsters making their way into the classroom. Wangka is, in other words, is the place where Thailand-born-Mons and Burma-born-Mons come together.
A religious connection
Like Mon people in Burma, Wangka celebrates "Bor Kamot-Kaban." The festival is unique to Mon people, who have been holding it for at least five hundred years. The festival began in 1019-1020 in the Buddhist era. It is held to commemorate the rule of the Mon king Dhama Zaydi, who sent monks on the ships Seittara Duta and Rama Duta to develop their religious thinking in Sri Lanka. When the monks did not return, the king built a temporary ship of bamboo and paper, loaded them with one thousand offerings, and sent them a sail into the ocean, accompanied by prayers from the Mon people. Soon after Rama Duta was safely home in port and the Mon have been celebrating the day ever since. In Wangka, it was celebrated for the (fifteenth time?) on 14 September 2008.
The festival is traditionally celebrated in the monastery or near the pagoda the day before the full moon. Young boys go into the forest to cut bamboo, while young girls collect flowers and fragrant items. Community elders guide the youth and help them make umbrellas and traditional things. The monastery or pagoda is crowded with the young and old until a boat has been constructed of bamboo and ornaments prepared for its adornment. In spite of heavy rain on the traditional day, people of Wangka build an eight foot wide, eighteen foot long and ten foot tall ship in front of the pagoda. Hundreds of poles, flags, flowers and other offerings were placed on the ship as Thailand born Mons and Burma born Mons came together to exchange ideas, prayers and visions.
A gathering place
In the past, villagers worked in their gardens, grew rice, and other food staples. Today, people, young and old struggle to find work and migrate to the cities or go abroad. Few can return to their village to participate in their traditional festivals, said Mi Alanyar, who helped to organize Wangka's Bor Kamot-Kaban. This makes the festival in Thailand all the more important. "It's the time for Mons from all over to make 'merit' together. This year young people participated in the ceremonies more than ever before."
"Bor Kamot-Kaban' ceremony used to be held in Ban Kadi Mon village, near Bangkok," said Nai Kay Thit, the owner of a Bangkok-based tour company. "But now, this ceremony is held only in Wangka. This kind of Mon traditional ceremony is fading out in Thailand, but Mon people in Burma continue to hold it."
"I was born in Wangka. Everyone speaks the Mon language because of efforts by U Uttama. Mons born in this village do not identify as Thai Mons, though they are not from Burma. They identify as Wangka Mons," said Nai Sein Aung, 44, who is a member of Wangka's village administration.
"We attract visitors with our Bor Kamot-Kaban ceremony. It is a significant ceremony in Thailand, for it is held nowhere else. We are very pleased to hold this unique ceremony. In the future, we would also like to show Nyaung Yay Thoum Pwe, the festival for water consecrated and poured around a banyan tree. We would also like to hold the Nivan Zay Pwe festival, which is a festival of free food held as a communal celebration," continued Nai Sein Aung. "Neither of these festivals is seen in Thailand. We had many visitors and participants in Bor Kamo-Kaban this year. The big aim is to maintain our culture."
Building hope
Ships for Kor Kamot-Kaban are built with bamboo, colored paper, and wood. In some villages, the ship is built on wheels so that it can travel through the community, receiving donations. In other places, the ship is built on chairs and receives offering in the pagoda, but never sails. In most villages, the ships are built to float and after receiving offerings, the ships are set a sail down rivers or into lakes and oceans.
The festival is held before dawn when monks begin the ceremony by reading scripture near the ship, then offerings and prayers are received and given. In Wangka, I saw a group of boys bring huge colorful hot air balloons to the temple in trucks, then release them into the sky with the tails of small lanterns and fireworks streaming behind. In Wangka, the ship was set a sail in Lake Vajiralongkorn the next day.
All of Sangkhlaburi's monasteries, Thai and Mon alike, are invited to Wangka's festival every year. They receive offerings of food, honey and sweets, among others. I saw the new abbot, U Maha Suchat, move around the pagoda throughout the day and night until the ceremony was over.
Monks and some scholars can explain away the details of the tradition, but most people understand the festival as a time to make merit and earn some good luck. Most Mon families in Burma have at least one close relative working abroad so offering food on the ship is intended for the loved ones who work away from the family. Old tradition meets the new reality of life and the hope is that family members just like Rama Duta, will return home safely one day. In Thailand, as in Burma, the festival is a familial and communal event, an expression of Buddhist beliefs throughout cultural life. For the Wangka Mon people, it is reaching over to live with our Mon people in Burma, to show solidarity and unity, between Mons separated by time, the border, and human events.
As I stood in the Maha Buddha Gaya Pagoda, I could hear the clear voice of an old woman praying from the pagoda's south end. It was not strange for me for I grew up inside Burma, but it was a little surprising, for though I stood in Thailand the prayer I heard was that of an elder Mon/Burmese. 
In my community in Burma, our elders offer food to Lord Buddha and monks in the morning, then look for flowers, rest at lunch time and spend the rest of the afternoon making flower rings (Mon name). In the evening, they go to monasteries and pray. Standing there, I already knew what the old woman was doing. When I spoke with her, she told me she prays every day, unless she is sick. With ten others she prays everyday and makes an exception only four days a month.
I stood in a temple in Wangka, an ethnic Mon community that hugs the perimeter of a small inlet on Lake Vajiralongkorn, tucked high up in northwestern Kanchanaburi Province, Thailand. Across the inlet is the town of Sangkhlaburi near Three Pagodas Pass, twenty minutes to the east is Burma, an area that has seen centuries of Burmese and Mon crisscrossing over the border area. Five hours to the northwest is Bangkok.
The Wangka community was founded by the prominent Abbot Uttama in 1949 to help the Mon people who had been displaced by armed conflict and the appalling human rights conditions. They also came to Thailand to study in Thai schools. Wangka connects to Sangkhlaburi via the longest handmade wooden bridge in Thailand, the village bridge can be seen as a metaphor that is the lifeline for the Mon people. Though U Uttama passed away in October 2006, Wangka's population is now about 8,000.
A large sign-board at the gate of the village bears the words "Mon cultural village" in Thai script. Likewise, street names and other announcements are written in Thai. Although cultural images are not obviously visible on normal days in Wangka, the beat of the village life can be seen everywhere on religious days as people come and go wearing the traditional Mon dress in colors of red and white. Fridays also are important for on this day schoolchildren are permitted to shed their uniforms for their traditional clothes, and in the morning you can see more than 2,000 youngsters making their way into the classroom. Wangka is, in other words, is the place where Thailand-born-Mons and Burma-born-Mons come together.
A religious connection
Like Mon people in Burma, Wangka celebrates "Bor Kamot-Kaban." The festival is unique to Mon people, who have been holding it for at least five hundred years. The festival began in 1019-1020 in the Buddhist era. It is held to commemorate the rule of the Mon king Dhama Zaydi, who sent monks on the ships Seittara Duta and Rama Duta to develop their religious thinking in Sri Lanka. When the monks did not return, the king built a temporary ship of bamboo and paper, loaded them with one thousand offerings, and sent them a sail into the ocean, accompanied by prayers from the Mon people. Soon after Rama Duta was safely home in port and the Mon have been celebrating the day ever since. In Wangka, it was celebrated for the (fifteenth time?) on 14 September 2008.
The festival is traditionally celebrated in the monastery or near the pagoda the day before the full moon. Young boys go into the forest to cut bamboo, while young girls collect flowers and fragrant items. Community elders guide the youth and help them make umbrellas and traditional things. The monastery or pagoda is crowded with the young and old until a boat has been constructed of bamboo and ornaments prepared for its adornment. In spite of heavy rain on the traditional day, people of Wangka build an eight foot wide, eighteen foot long and ten foot tall ship in front of the pagoda. Hundreds of poles, flags, flowers and other offerings were placed on the ship as Thailand born Mons and Burma born Mons came together to exchange ideas, prayers and visions.
A gathering place
In the past, villagers worked in their gardens, grew rice, and other food staples. Today, people, young and old struggle to find work and migrate to the cities or go abroad. Few can return to their village to participate in their traditional festivals, said Mi Alanyar, who helped to organize Wangka's Bor Kamot-Kaban. This makes the festival in Thailand all the more important. "It's the time for Mons from all over to make 'merit' together. This year young people participated in the ceremonies more than ever before."
"Bor Kamot-Kaban' ceremony used to be held in Ban Kadi Mon village, near Bangkok," said Nai Kay Thit, the owner of a Bangkok-based tour company. "But now, this ceremony is held only in Wangka. This kind of Mon traditional ceremony is fading out in Thailand, but Mon people in Burma continue to hold it."
"I was born in Wangka. Everyone speaks the Mon language because of efforts by U Uttama. Mons born in this village do not identify as Thai Mons, though they are not from Burma. They identify as Wangka Mons," said Nai Sein Aung, 44, who is a member of Wangka's village administration.
"We attract visitors with our Bor Kamot-Kaban ceremony. It is a significant ceremony in Thailand, for it is held nowhere else. We are very pleased to hold this unique ceremony. In the future, we would also like to show Nyaung Yay Thoum Pwe, the festival for water consecrated and poured around a banyan tree. We would also like to hold the Nivan Zay Pwe festival, which is a festival of free food held as a communal celebration," continued Nai Sein Aung. "Neither of these festivals is seen in Thailand. We had many visitors and participants in Bor Kamo-Kaban this year. The big aim is to maintain our culture."
Building hope
Ships for Kor Kamot-Kaban are built with bamboo, colored paper, and wood. In some villages, the ship is built on wheels so that it can travel through the community, receiving donations. In other places, the ship is built on chairs and receives offering in the pagoda, but never sails. In most villages, the ships are built to float and after receiving offerings, the ships are set a sail down rivers or into lakes and oceans.
The festival is held before dawn when monks begin the ceremony by reading scripture near the ship, then offerings and prayers are received and given. In Wangka, I saw a group of boys bring huge colorful hot air balloons to the temple in trucks, then release them into the sky with the tails of small lanterns and fireworks streaming behind. In Wangka, the ship was set a sail in Lake Vajiralongkorn the next day.
All of Sangkhlaburi's monasteries, Thai and Mon alike, are invited to Wangka's festival every year. They receive offerings of food, honey and sweets, among others. I saw the new abbot, U Maha Suchat, move around the pagoda throughout the day and night until the ceremony was over.
Monks and some scholars can explain away the details of the tradition, but most people understand the festival as a time to make merit and earn some good luck. Most Mon families in Burma have at least one close relative working abroad so offering food on the ship is intended for the loved ones who work away from the family. Old tradition meets the new reality of life and the hope is that family members just like Rama Duta, will return home safely one day. In Thailand, as in Burma, the festival is a familial and communal event, an expression of Buddhist beliefs throughout cultural life. For the Wangka Mon people, it is reaching over to live with our Mon people in Burma, to show solidarity and unity, between Mons separated by time, the border, and human events.
ေကာက္ေၾကာင္းပုံရိပ္မ်ား
0 comments
လင္းနဲ႕ ဦး သြားခဲ့တဲ့ မုဒုံၿမဳိ႕က ကန္ႀကီးဘုရား ေဘးက အသုတ္ဆုိင္၊ အေၾကာ္ဆုိင္ေတြ၊ အစင္းေရေလွာင္တမံ ေပၚက တုိက္အိမ္ေလး၊ ေအာက္ဘက္က ဘုရားေတြမွာ ဆုေတာင္းခဲ့တာေတြ၊ အဲဒီက အျပန္ မုိး႐ြာလုိ႕ စက္ဘီးနင္းရတဲ့ ဦးဘက္ကုိသာ ထီးထုိးေစာင္းေပးၿပီး ခ်မ္းတုန္ေနတဲ့ လင္းရဲ႕ မ်က္ႏွာေတာင္မက ခရီးေဝးတဲ့ ဦးအတြက္ လင္းသုံးၿပီးသား မ်က္ႏွာသုတ္ပုဝါတစ္ထည့္ကုိ ေပးခဲ့တယ္ေလ။ လင္း ေမာ္လၿမဳိင္ ဂိတ္ကားအထိ လုိက္ပုိ႕ၿပီး တုန္ရီေနတ့ဲ ဦးကုိ အေနာက္ခန္းမွာ မစီးဖုိ႕၊ ေ႐ွ႕ခန္းမွာ စီးဖုိ႕ လာေျပာသြားခဲ့ေသးတယ္ေနာ္။ စုိေနတယ္ လင္းအရင္ျပန္ေတာ့လုိ႕ ဦး အခါခါ ေျပာေပမယ့္ ထီးကေလးတစ္လက္နဲ႕ လက္တစ္ဘက္က စက္ဘီးကုိ ကုိင္ကာ ဦး ျပန္တာကုိပဲ ေစာင့္ၾကည့္ေနတဲ့ လင္းကုိ ဦး ဘယ္လုိေမ့ရမလဲ။
အဲဒီမ်က္ႏွာသုတ္ပုဝါက လင္းရဲ႕ကုိယ္ရနံ႕ သင္းလႈိင္ေနတာ အပတ္ေပါင္း ၾကာရွည္။
အဲဒီရနံ႕နဲ႕ ဦး အိပ္တတ္လာတာ (၁၀)တန္း ေျဖၿပီးတဲ့အထိပဲေပါ့။
အဲဒီမ်က္ႏွာသုတ္ပုဝါက လင္းရဲ႕ကုိယ္ရနံ႕ သင္းလႈိင္ေနတာ အပတ္ေပါင္း ၾကာရွည္။
အဲဒီရနံ႕နဲ႕ ဦး အိပ္တတ္လာတာ (၁၀)တန္း ေျဖၿပီးတဲ့အထိပဲေပါ့။
ခ်စ္သူသက္တမ္း ၁၆ ႏွစ္ျပည့္ အမွတ္တရ
0 comments
ဦးနဲ႕လင္း ခ်စ္သူေတြ ျဖစ္လာတာ ဒီေန႕ဆုိ ၁၆ ႏွစ္ေတာင္ ႐ွိသြားၿပီေနာ္။ အခုေတာ့ တေျမစီမွာ ဆုိေပမဲ့ နီးစပ္ဖုိ႕အေရး ေတြးတုိင္း ေဆြးေနလုိ႕ မျဖစ္ေတာ့ဘူး လင္းရယ္။
"တစ္ေယာက္တည္း ညအေမွာင္မွာ
ၾကယ္ေရာင္ေတြက မလင္းႏုိင္ေလၿပီ
နယ္ေခါင္ေစတဲ့ အလြမ္းေစရာ
ႏြမ္းလ်မ်က္ႏွာ တကယ့္မသာႏုိင္
ေျဖသာႏုိင္တာ တခ်ိန္ေသာအခါ
အခုေတာ့ တစ္ေနရာမွာ"
ဦး
ေမ ၂၇၊ ၂၀၀၉ (ညနက္ခ်ိန္)
P.S. လင္းကုိ ခ်စ္တယ္
"တစ္ေယာက္တည္း ညအေမွာင္မွာ
ၾကယ္ေရာင္ေတြက မလင္းႏုိင္ေလၿပီ
နယ္ေခါင္ေစတဲ့ အလြမ္းေစရာ
ႏြမ္းလ်မ်က္ႏွာ တကယ့္မသာႏုိင္
ေျဖသာႏုိင္တာ တခ်ိန္ေသာအခါ
အခုေတာ့ တစ္ေနရာမွာ"
ဦး
ေမ ၂၇၊ ၂၀၀၉ (ညနက္ခ်ိန္)
P.S. လင္းကုိ ခ်စ္တယ္
Bor Bamot-Kaban Festival, Sankhlaburi (Creators of the same meaning)
0 comments
Photo by Asohn Vi
Abbot Maha Su Chat, Wiwakarama Temple of Wangka Mon Village, Sangkhlaburi, Thailand
Photo by Asohn Vi
Abbot Maha Su Chat, Wiwakarama Temple of Wangka Mon Village, Sangkhlaburi, Thailand
Photo by Asohn Vi
Elephant Festival, Huay Malai (Pachyderm Party)
0 comments
Photo by Taio Tyson
A procession of elephants carries townspeople during a festival ceremony
Photo by Taio Tyson
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
